Victims lend themselves to being voluntary collaborators, a concurrence of purpose is manifested against he who is assumed to be the common enemy. The Yankees, Catholics or Protestants, Masons or Knights of Columbus, with what has transpired in the taking of possession of the command of the North American forces, have revealed that unity of imperialist aims against the Puerto Rican nation. The response to that united enemy front is the united front of the Homeland. A determined routine of imperial politics is broken only in the presence of necessity. The empire always avails itself of suitable mandatories who can secure it in the intervened nations. The militant Nationalism of the Philippines and Puerto Rico has imposed this shift in the selection of the heads of the intervention in both intervened nations. It is a matter of weakening the invocation of traditionalist forces with invading influences that could mystify the Puerto Ricans. In lending itself to that maneuver of Yankee imperialism, the North American clergy residing in Puerto Rico is violating mandatory provisions of the Church. The North American Catholic priest who serves as an instrument of Yankee imperialism in Puerto Rico is not worthy of ecclesiastical investiture. As this serious malady can thwart the superior interests of the Church, it is foreseen and warded off with provisions that obligate the natural clergy of the intervening country to sacrifice themselves, if necessary, in defense of the rights of the intervened nation. It is the only way to prevent the priesthood from ending in sacrilege. We are facing a clear and dangerous fact for the Homeland. The North American clergy, Catholic and Protestant, are only instruments of the imperialism of their country. We must combat it in all terrains. Their cooperation with Yankee imperialism has reached the point of voluntarily offering, in a solemn public act upon assuming command of the intervention a new mandatory, the concurrence of their moral force. The imperialist attitude of the Yankee Protestant clergy is known by all so that it requires no further comments. Now, that the new governor is Catholic, it is necessary to clarify the imperialist tendencies of a part of the North American Catholic clergy. Here a Catholic religious community has been established, which is called Redemptorist. With centers in Mayagüez, Guayama, Caguas, Puerta de Tierra. In their schools that follow the same official system - teaching in English, knowledge of Yankee things and ignorance of the rest of the world - the greatest attraction towards everything North American is maintained, with a constant display of the North American flag in their classrooms. They raise it over the towers of the church itself, in open defiance of public opinion. The friars follow practices foreign to those ordered by the Latin Council to which Puerto Rico belongs. Their attitude, far from being a manifestation of Christian meekness, is one of arrogance with an air of ridiculous superiority. As they have been faithful collaborators of the regime, the Yankee governors were always splendidly entertained in their houses, although all were Protestants and Masons, revealing that unity of imperialist purpose against the Puerto Ricans. This desire for command and to possess material things, which was already organized for the pontificate of His Holiness, León XIII, gave rise to the formation of the heresy called Americanism, which deserved to be condemned by this wise pontiff. That attitude is alive and has begun to act aggressively in our country. We notify you that it will not be tolerated. To the inaugural words of the new head of the intervention, who has received such religious investiture, we will make a brief gloss. Yankee imperialism fights to displace us in our own country. It has appealed to Neo-Malthusianism, to emigration, to diseases, to everything that promotes our extinction. It has already been said: “the Yankees are interested in the cage but not the birds.” From the armchair of the Santa Catalina palace, in whose shadow the Puerto Rican Nation arose, consecrated to the ideals of pure Christianity, a people of fine sentiment has contemplated a Yankee mandatory publicly advocating demoralizing practices such as Neo-Malthusianism. Mr. Gore is to be congratulated for having rectified his immediate successor in the post. The new governor supposes a citizen community between the Puerto Ricans and the North Americans. He is profoundly mistaken. From one end of the country to the other, there exists inextinguishable hatred against the North American military occupation. Grave is his error in believing that Puerto Rico has been the object of North American largesse. He should study the statistics of our commerce and he will find that the nation has always had a favorable trade balance for thirty-five consecutive years, including the last four, characterized by the deepest crisis. That favorable balance amounts to a sum that exceeds one billion two hundred million dollars, enough for Puerto Rico to be today a financial power of the first order. But Yankee capitalism, protected by its government, has taken that enormous profit and instead of our country being an emporium of wealth, sixty percent of its population is unemployed and the entire country is mortgaged to Yankee banks. Mr. Gore rightly says that there is a need for emigration. What we do not agree with is the selection of people. All foreigners must leave Puerto Rico immediately, starting with the Yankee colony that exceeds two thousand parasitic individuals, mandatories of the Yankee interests that control ninety percent of our wealth. The Puerto Ricans have rights in their Homeland that they will make respected and no one plans to emigrate, much less to a place like Florida, governed by laws that deny electoral vote to any person of color; laws that declare null any marriage between people of different races, that convert that conjugal union into a public crime punishable by imprisonment and condemn to illegitimacy the children born therein, laws that impose the forced separation of the races in theaters, churches, places of entertainment, transportation vehicles, etc.; laws crowned by the most humane of the laws of barbarism, the law of lynching. A grave illusion has taken possession of Mr. Gore. He believes he has true powers that he can exercise with responsibility before his own conscience. It is necessary that he observe that he must abide at all times by the instructions he receives from that den of conspiracy against Puerto Rico, which they call the Bureau of Insular Affairs. As a matter of conscience, we must remind him that in conscience he cannot exercise foreign despotism. He speaks again of a dead theme among us, such as annexationism to convert Puerto Rico into a Yankee province (“state” sic). Everyone already knows that annexation is reprehensible in any form, and especially today, when the United States is governed by the personal dictatorship of Roosevelt, a dictatorship that everyone hopes will become a firm political institution. Mr. Gore should not feel overwhelmed by duties of his or his Homeland towards the Puerto Ricans. He can rest assured in that regard. The United States of America has only one duty to fulfill with Puerto Rico, and that is to immediately withdraw its armed forces from our territory. We know that that does not depend on Mr. Gore. Nor are the Yankees our doctors – we already know what the North American doctors come for – nor are we the Puerto Ricans sick to be cured by such physicians. Puerto Rico is a nation of superior civilization and culture and does not need mentors immersed in barbarism like the one prevailing in more than half of the United States of the type existing in Florida to which the Puerto Ricans must go again, reminiscent of the immortal Ponce de León, to reintegrate it into Christian civilization. P. ALBIZU CAMPOS THE ACTS THAT THE NATIONALIST PARTY WILL CELEBRATE TOMORROW IN THE CITY OF LARES TO COMMEMORATE THE DATE OF SEPTEMBER 23, 1868. PROCLAIMS. In the glorious ephemeris of the revolution of Lares, next Saturday, September 23, the national assembly will be celebrated in Lares to commemorate the sixty-fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the Republic and the sesquicentennial of the birth of the Liberator, Simón Bolívar. “This entire year has been dedicated especially to the study of the genial personality of the excellent man that to equal his work it would be necessary to create another world to liberate,” as proclaimed by the wise Chuquihuanca, when he had the privilege of pronouncing the historical and inimitable discourse to welcome the Liberator, in commemoration of his triumphal entry into Azángaro, Perú. Before the memory of the heroes and martyrs of the revolution of Lares, Nationalism renders its homage to the Liberator, who put his genius and his sword at the disposal of the cause of the independence of Puerto Rico. All free nations pay tribute this year to his sublime figure, because the salvation of the peoples lies in the cult of their independence and to the memory of the men who consecrated themselves to it. Puerto Rico is free, independent, and sovereign by its right and by its will, and fulfills the duty that is the exclusive patrimony of free men. Lares is the Bolivarian repercussion of Ayacucho in the Antilles. In that heroic feat the American Homelands were represented by their blood, very especially Venezuela, which was the cradle of the Liberator. And it is that those illustrious men knew the greatness of this archipelago that served as the basis for the expansion of Christian civilization in America, and is today a fortress of resistance against the barbarism that comes to us from the North. It is fitting, then, that before the memory of the heroes and martyrs of the Revolution, who offered their lives to give us the only example to follow to suppress foreign intervention, the nation renew its faith in the ideals of Bolívar that are specified to the union of the nations of our race to impose its hegemony for the diffusion of the civilization that the world needs. Given in San Juan de Puerto Rico on the twenty-first day of the month of September of the year 1933, sixty-fifth year of the proclamation of the Republic. THE NATIONAL BOARD P. ALBIZU CAMPOS President José LAMEIRO Secretary General THE ACTS CELEBRATED IN LARES IN COMMEMORATION OF THE REVOLUTION OF ‘68 AND THE BIRTH OF SIMON BOLIVAR. By Juan Antonio Corretjer “In the name of God Almighty, creator and protector of nationalities, I declare open this fourth national assembly to commemorate the date of the Proclamation of the Republic and the sesquicentennial of the birth of the Liberator.” It is the President of the Party who has opened the magna assembly. SPEECH OF MR. ALBIZU CAMPOS The pilgrim cannot reproduce the speech of the President. Who can? But the fervent disciple, entrusted to superior forces, will try to gloss the ideological plan, the mental itinerary of the marvelous dissertation. And the defects, the lacunae, the commonalities of thought and expression, will only be of the disciple. CONCEPT OF RESPONSIBILITY. “To pay homage to the truth one must have consecrated oneself to the truth. Only those who have not departed from the criterion that informed the men of ‘68, to raise, in the glimpse of liberty, the spiritual monument of the Republic, are worthy of paying homage to their memory.” “The mediators of the Homeland, those who have never neither felt nor meditated for it, communicate to the people their lack of love and their ignorance. And as these are components of irresponsibility, the irresponsible leaders make the people irresponsible.” “But the naked lie cannot be preached to the people, and for this reason those of treason adorn it with appearances of truth. But what is the naked truth? When the people elect, in the elections, their representatives, they do not elect them to represent them, as they suppose, but to represent, behind their pain, the interests of the intervening powers. They send representatives and senators to a false Legislature, so that, for a miserable prebend, they serve as a demolishing cog of their own brothers. They elect municipal assembly members, so that they finish ruining the municipalities. And, when the people line up along the highways, empty of bread and unprotected of home, they cannot resort to their elected representatives, but to charity, because those men, subservient to the intervening power against their people, are limited in their action by the submission to a foreign law, made to demolish a people within its own territory and with its own resources.” “But sometimes some representatives of the people decide to act in Puerto Rican as is the Municipal Assembly of Lares in the Resolution declaring as guests of honor of the city the pilgrims of the Nation and it is in the entrails of that proceeding where the honor and the perspective of the happiness of the Homeland reside.” CONCEPT OF THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH “Those who live from the food of treason, when they want to make a panegyric of the regime, begin with a hymn to the so-called freedom of speech. Well, gentlemen, freedom of speech without freedom of action is prison, it is slavery, it is death. If a man’s goods are confiscated, his home is destroyed and he is imprisoned, and, when he is behind bars, with a smiling and armed sentry at the door, he is allowed to deny the world, and man and society, and perhaps if in desperation he reaches the painful frontiers of blasphemy, that man has freedom of speech. If a man is condemned to the death penalty, and that man, on the scaffold, asks to be allowed to speak before being executed, that man speaks, and that man has freedom of speech. “That is the case of Puerto Rico. It is in jail, and the sentry with a cynical smile lets him speak. He is already on the scaffold, and the blue-eyed executioner lets him speak.” “And with that refrain of freedom of speech it is wanted to interrupt the advance of liberty. Why do the panegyrists paid by the regime not speak of freedom of action, which is freedom of defense, freedom of attack, which is liberty? They come with the shameful ritornello of freedom of speech. Only animals, gentlemen, lack freedom of speech! Only man received the infinite privilege of the Word! As an animal is treated the man whom it is wanted to humiliate attributing to his enemy the dominion of his word!” CONCEPT OF FOREIGNNESS “In Puerto Rico the Yankees are foreigners, who, by force, detain our sovereignty. All the friends of the independence of Puerto Rico are Puerto Ricans. There are foreigners in Puerto Rico who are our brothers. There are, for example, Spaniards, many Spaniards, who by origin, by tradition, and by race, are our brothers. And they are also by ideology. The Spaniards that unfortunately there are Spaniards that walk arm in arm with the power that wanted to humiliate Spain in ‘98; the Spaniards that walk arm in arm with the enemies of the Homeland of their children, those are not Spaniards. Spain has never been a country of pork butchers. Those pork butchers are from Chicago. Spain is the Homeland of the historical vision par excellence.” CONCEPT OF LARES * “In Lares the proper meaning of the word coincides with the historical meaning, because Lares means Homeland.” CONCEPT OF OBEDIENCE “The revolution is not disorder, but the suppression of disorder. It requires, then, the institution of a hierarchy, and respect for that hierarchy. Obedience is not submission, but humility, which is an exclusive virtue of free men. Humility is greatness and we are only truly great when we are great in humility. Obedience is an active form of Faith. That is why an exemplary cadet will be he who enters into Glory through obedience, which is the door that leads to Faith, mother of all Valor.” BOLIVAR “Next to the duty and the right to pay homage to the martyrs of Lares, we have that of paying homage to the memory of the Liberator. He thought of making with his sword, forging peoples, the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico. But then the United States intervened, offering its fleet to Spain so that it would retain its Antillean provinces. The moment had not yet arrived in which the United States would use that same fleet against the crown of Spain! Thus the Yankee Empire interrupted the liberating plan of Bolívar.” “Today we have planted in the Plaza de la Revolución, a little tree, son of the sacred tamarind under whose shade Bolívar rested his last days. In the house of a Spanish hidalgo, who was a colonel of the Army of Spain, don Joaquín de Mier, the man by whom “the world of Columbus ceased to be Spanish” went to die. Thus Providence wanted it, so that with the passage of the glorious to eternal glory, all the wounds would heal, and eternal would be the spiritual union of all Hispanic peoples.” VALERO “This is the traditional nobility of the Race. Our great soldier, the marshal don Antonio de Valero y Bernabe, whose liberating sword shone in the sun of five nations; friend and subordinate of Bolívar in the campaign of Perú, represents for us the continental concretion of our spirit. To him, in company with General Solón, was entrusted the siege of the Plaza del Callao. Without the taking of the Callao there shall not exist Ayacucho. The Spanish general Rodils, defender of the plaza, knew it. He knew that while he resisted, it was the Spanish Pacific, and the door of revolutionary America was open to the Spanish reserves. And he fought in the Callao with a heroism without parallel in history. But the siege was maintained. And the besieged, who had within the walls a large number of old men, women, and children, threw them into the field, so that they would be picked up by the besiegers. Then Solón, who was a hard soldier, who knew that this action meant redoubling the Spanish resistance and endangering American independence, refused to receive them. But Valero intervened, and there was such a strong incident between the two, that Solón filed charges against Valero before the supreme commanding general Bolívar. But Valero’s defense was so clear, so luminous, and so noble that Solón withdrew the charges, closing between those three great men the most exciting incident of the war. That is, Puerto Ricans, the spirit of noble and disinterested heroism that must inform the Puerto Rican Revolution.” THE INDEPENDENCE *“Independence is not made with applause. It is made with deeds. In our favor we have the reason of the world that sees in the slavery of a people, of a man, a lesion so deep that it pertains to the entire world. But our work must be done here. Puerto Rico is a slave because the United States detains our sovereignty, and because there are Puerto Ricans who allow it. But there are already Puerto Ricans who do not allow it, and neither the fleet nor the cannons of any empire are strong enough to stop a people in its determination to be free.” THE SAME TREATMENT, MR. ROOSEVELT, AND THE SAME SUBMISSION OF THE GOVERNMENTAL POLITICIANS By P. ALBIZU CAMPOS The North American internal crisis has imposed the dictatorship on the Yankee people. Mr. Roosevelt, as dictator, is looked upon with mistrust by his own countrymen. The important New York newspaper, The New York Times, has said editorially that the best good that can be done to Mr. Roosevelt is to criticize him severely. In another editorial, it advises the Yankees to prepare themselves for the harshest reality: the failure of the present North American administration. That opinion has deep significance because the New York Times has always inclined to defend the norms of the Yankee Democratic Party. The mistrust in the policy of Mr. Roosevelt is born of the forced fear of all dictatorship and of the known actions of the dictator. The same New York Times, echoing the most serious North American opinion, affirms that no one knows what to expect from the declarations of Mr. Roosevelt. For example, when he was a candidate for the presidency, he implied that he maintained the gold standard, but as soon as he assumed the dictatorship he abandoned said standard: he affirmed in his electoral campaign that he would abandon speculation, and as soon as he was elected president he has delivered his country to a speculative orgy from which no one knows how he is to emerge and, as a notorious case, we will cite the ridiculous role in which he placed the North American delegation at the last economic conference in London, giving the most contradictory instructions to the Yankee plenipotentiaries, which forced the French delegation to end said international conference. The North Americans tolerated the abandonment of the gold standard for various reasons, among which we will point out the most important. First - Before occupying the dictatorship Mr. Roosevelt, neither the amorphous Yankee mass nor the great interests that dominate it and exploit it without pity, believed in the efficacy of its government. Organized crime was stronger than public power, placing the United States in the sad situation in which China finds itself. That mistrust produced the flight of North American capital towards France. To prevent the exit of gold it was necessary to decree an embargo, and for this it was necessary to abandon that standard. Mr. Roosevelt rose to the dictatorship. Organized crime remains stronger than public power. Despite the abandonment of the gold standard, the withdrawal of North American capital to France continues. Neither Mr. Roosevelt nor his “Brain Trust” find a solution to this enigma. To evade the embargo on gold, the exporter of Yankee merchandise orders the foreign buyer to deposit the value of the price in the Bank of France. Mr. Roosevelt has also had to submit to the clamor of the Yankee miners who own gold mines. The official price of the precious metal in the United States is fixed by law, that is, twenty-one dollars per ounce ($21.00). “Abroad, due to the depreciation of the dollar, the price in the open market is around thirty dollars per ounce ($30.00). The dictatorship has had to allow the export of auriferous mineral.” The Yankees are astonished to see that their adored golden calf is melting in their own presence. Second. It was also alleged to abandon the gold standard, that by depreciating the dollar, Yankee merchandise could compete in price with the merchandise of competing nations in the great international markets. The dollar has lost almost forty percent (40%) of its value but foreign markets remain closed to Yankee merchandise. Instead of increasing North American exports, imports exceed exports. It is that the United States cannot open markets if it does not lower its tariffs to offer tariff reciprocity. But here is the terrible dilemma in which North American industry places itself. Due to its technical inferiority, despite being able to use labor at any price, having twelve million men without jobs, and some fifty million indigents (50,000,000) who depend on them, it is not possible for it to compete under conditions of tariff reciprocity. The law of the funnel cannot be applied to any nation that knows how to defend its interests. Yankee tariff policy has only been able to triumph in Puerto Rico to the ruin of our country. The constant decrease in exports keeps industrial overproduction in place. Although the depreciation of the dollar has artificially raised prices in the Yankee domestic market by the amount of the depreciated value of the dollar, consumption remains stagnant. So that the working people can buy at the previous rate, their salary has been increased in proportion to the rise in prices. But industry cannot increase its production if it does not have foreign markets, it cannot employ more workers and the terrifying problem of unemployment continues. The causes that inform this chaotic situation have their roots in the purposes that inform the measures adopted by Mr. Roosevelt. The great financial interests support the dictatorship as long as it guarantees them their predominance. So that we can form an exact idea of that oligarchy, it is enough to point out the fact verified by the same North American Congress that twenty-four men (24) dominate three quarters of North American wealth. The population of the United States is calculated to be
more than one hundred and twenty-five million inhabitants. How to redistribute that wealth is the true Yankee problem. But the dictatorship has been established to impede redistribution. The problem is of such magnitude that the worker and the capitalist doubt the dictatorial efficacy. The capitalist is putting himself to safety by transferring his liquid assets to France. The worker has to stay in Estados Unidos out of necessity. The amorphous Yankee community feels the feverish premonition of great revolutionary commotions. We do not know of any Yankee entity, capitalist or worker, that has felt the need to express gratitude to Mr. Roosevelt for his governmental work. Due to the distrust inspired by the aims of his policy and his enormous personal ambition, -a trait that runs in the family-, no one has offered him unconditional support. Without taking into account the opinion of the radical Yankee worker leaders, who roundly condemn the policy of the present North American dictatorship, it is worthy of observing the very conservative attitude in appreciating that policy that has been assumed by Mr. Green, President of the American Federation of Labor, the organized worker minority to shield the great capitalists in their iniquitous exploitation of the enormous Yankee worker multitudes. It is to be supposed that the leaders of governmental policy in Puerto Rico, both Liberal and Coalitionist, are informed of these facts. To national stupefaction, we have read their concordant declarations in declaring that the North American dictator, Mr. Roosevelt, is worthy of the homage of the Puerto Ricans. Why?, we ask them. We formulate the question because we do not find a single reason for such an extraordinary affirmation either in the manifesto that the Coalitionist directors address to the Puerto Ricans nor in the one that the Liberal Party leadership publishes with the same purpose. We understand that the governmental factions are at the mercy of the will of Mr. Roosevelt and that Liberals and Coalitionists are obliged to flatter the Yankee dictator in order to be able to place themselves in an advantageous position to achieve the desires of the budget. The most abject colonial policy has its shame, and we know of no historical precedent as shameful as this, in which representatives of an intervened nation such as ours, subjected to the most iniquitous exploitation by Yankee power, dare to declare national gratitude compromised with the dictator of the empire that subjugates it. The Puerto Ricans will be able to render national homage to the North American mandatary who signs, out of respect for the right of others, the treaty in which the independence of the Homeland is recognized. Do the Liberal and Coalitionist leaders know what it means for Puerto Rico to render at these moments a national homage to the dictator Roosevelt? On the eve of the Pan-American Convention that is to be celebrated in Montevideo next December, that recognition of the supposed goodness of Roosevelt towards our nation will be capitalized by Estados Unidos to disorient Latin American opinion. It is known to all that the Yankees find themselves isolated and without markets, and today they yearn beseechingly for the friendship of the Latin American nations, victims of their imperialism. Have these countrymen of ours lost all sense of responsibility in flaunting a popular representation? No foreign despotism deserves homage. Homage is deserved by those who have gloriously fulfilled their duty. The only duty that the Yankee despotism has towards Puerto Rico is to withdraw immediately from our territory. While it persists in its outrage of wanting to govern our Homeland and wanting to exploit it, it deserves the contiguous attack of each Puerto Rican. All its mandataries have to be equally odious to us and branded as enemies. What has Mr. Roosevelt done in Puerto Rico? To continue the exploitation of the country by the great Yankee interests. There are our workers dying of hunger and disease condemned and subjected to mendicancy. He entertains them with the same methods that he uses in his land, through his megaphone in Puerto Rico, Mr. Gore. The Yankee Press has condemned these procedures of Roosevelt branded in Estados Unidos as “gas bag,” sack of air, to give false hopes to the people. The representative of Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Gore, spends his time announcing the arrival of a million dollars per day. It seems that he has hypnotized the politicians of the budget in that way. No one sees either the million or a cent. The workers form lines of beggars in the mayor’s office of each municipality, and after waiting all day they return to their homes with empty hands. The coffee and tobacco growers find themselves ruined without a market for their product. Only sugar has a good price. But the industry is dominated by Yankee interests. It maintains the same miserable salaries as always, and is importing machinery to economize labor, and thus increase the misery and the pain of the people. The Yankee interests do not pay contributions. The treasury has been forced by sentence of the Yankee tribunals to pardon to the Central Guánica the payment of eight hundred thousand dollars ($800,000) of contributions. The Insular Legislature wanted to do an investigation, but became afraid and left the matter on the table. The same thing happened with the legislative investigation on the gasoline monopoly. The Legislature unanimously kept the respectable silence that the case demanded. The head of the intervention, and mandatary of Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Gore, upon being interrogated by the journalists about the gasoline monopoly, kept great silence for the first time in his life. Mr. Roosevelt imposed the bank moratorium on Puerto Rico to defend the Yankee banks that do business in Puerto Rico, ruining many depositors. By decreeing the abandonment of the gold standard, Mr. Roosevelt, depreciated the dollar by forty percent (40%), reducing by that amount the liquid capital of Puerto Rico, and exposing the country to total ruin, or to absolute submission to Yankee finance. Roosevelt repeated in the same degree the terrible blow suffered by the Puerto Rican national wealth, when the exchange of its gold and silver currency for Yankee paper was imposed on the nation, and at a discount of forty percent. It has not occurred to Roosevelt how to raise the price of coffee or tobacco, which is largely Puerto Rican wealth. Imposing half a cent of contribution on each pound of those products consumed in Estados Unidos, a respectable fund would be raised for immediate aid to the farmers. But Mr. Roosevelt did not forget to impose the contribution on articles of cotton or fiber that compete with cotton to subsidize the Yankee farmer dedicated to the sowing of cotton. Nor did he fail to impose on us the contribution on wheat flour to raise funds for the benefit of the North American wheat producers. These taxes constitute a burden on the Puerto Rican consumer amounting to some 15 million dollars annually for the benefit of the Yankee farmer, Mr. Roosevelt has refused to return for the benefit of the Puerto Rican farmer, currently ruined, the product of these taxes. There are some of the salient acts of Mr. Roosevelt in Puerto Rico. Gentlemen leaders of the Coalition and gentlemen Liberal leaders, colonial policy also imposes responsibilities. Submission, which is the most formal annulment of right, does not confer powers. He who obeys the will of foreign despotism has no right to speak in the name of the Homeland. P. ALBIZU CAMPOS