It is necessary to suppress the hoarding of these resources. We have to distribute them among our people. The legion of proprietors that we had in 1898 must arise anew. The Nationalist Party is not surprised by the declarations of the Brookings Institute: We know the machinations of Yankee propaganda. We have to thank those “experts” for having filled the cup of the elements that were until now unconditional. The politicians who do not militate in our party, must be warned that the Puerto Rican Nation demands the immediate suppression of this regime and that it will not permit itself to be disoriented in the effort that it makes to definitively end this situation. We will not tolerate simulations of rebellion. If there is sincerity, as is to be expected, before this great collective tragedy, why are the respective general assemblies of each party not celebrated immediately, and in them is it resolved to demand the recognition of our right to constitute ourselves, in a free and independent Homeland? The Puerto Rican Nation demands definitive actions from those who pretend to represent it.
P. ALBIZU CAMPOS
LETTER TO LCDO. EUGENIO FONT SUAREZ
San Juan, P.R. May 28, 1930 Lcdo. Eugenio Font Suárez, San Juan, Pto. Rico. My dear friend: It is the hour of decision. The country orders everyone to enter into immediate struggle. To the individual and to the political groupings it imposes a commitment that requires unavoidable sacrifices. It is not enough to declare oneself in favor of national independence. That declaration in a party program is not sufficient. It is imperative to commit oneself publicly with specific measures to immediately do away with this colonialism that crushes us. The patience of our aggrieved people is exhausted. If we are to consign in a political program the demand for independence to later dedicate ourselves to the struggle for colonial posts, may the earth open and swallow us all. For that reason, the Nationalist Party has committed itself before the nation, in the most solemn form, to celebrate the constituent convention of the republic of Puerto Rico, as soon as it receives the suffrage of the majorities. It is pleasing to see the resurgence of the spirit of fight in all sectors. We salute the vanguard that arises in the “Unión de Puerto Rico”. We hope to see the patriotic spirit reveal itself with equal vigor in the other political parties. The renovation is general. But let us not forget the motto: Immediate action. I congratulate you for the brilliant document that in the form of a letter directed to this your friend, as President of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico, you have just launched to publicity. You did not need to give explanations. Thus the entire country will have understood it. Your patriotism, your love for the cause of the Maestro de Diego are known to all. You are animated by the valor of lived conviction and the consecration to the liberty of the Homeland. Grateful for your most cordial esteem,
Your friend and S.S.S embraces you,
PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS, President of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico
THERE IS NO NATIONALISM OUTSIDE OF THE NATIONALIST PARTY
San Juan, Puerto Rico July 17, 1930
Mr. Don José Lameiro. San Juan, of Puerto Rico.
Distinguished friend and coreligionist:
We have recently received several ships loaded with “patriots”, all commissioned for various purposes in the United States: to ask for alms, to extend to Puerto Rico all the laws of that country, to end the association of Teachers of Puerto Rico, to destroy our culture, to support the policy of the colonial governor and thus ingratiate themselves with the power, and to convert us into Yankee instruments in the diplomatic and consular service of that country in its systematic invasion of Latin America. All these gentlemen require physical rehabilitation after such an effort. The Homeland opportunely will not deny it to them. It did not occur to any of them to say in the United States that our only need is Independence to resolve our own problems; that we have the capacity and abundant natural resources to attend as is due to our Nationality. The only need is Independence to be able to dominate the invasion of the invading latifundist capital, and to curb the insolence of the foreign banks that want to end our wealth, to protect our workers against the invading exploitation and to regulate our commerce by means of treaties that suit us. In a word, to end the hoarding of all our resources and to impose a better distribution of them that allows our citizens to live a decent life in harmony with the demands of contemporary civilization so that our people can arrive at the complete development of its spiritual and physical life. But no. These commissioners come proud of the suggestions that they offer to the power so that it annihilates us completely, giving it the opportunity to make its demolishing work appear as an act of supreme charity. They repeat like parrots the already worn-out language of the Yankee teacher who occupies the fortress. Could the sepoys not think of anything else?
Your letter of adherence to our party recently published in “La Correspondencia” arrives. You have true orientation. Your letter rejects that wave of submission. You leave behind unionist liberalism. We greet, with enthusiasm, when that effort of renovation was initiated. We yearn for the day that all the political parties consign in their program as the only yearning the Independence of their Homeland. How not to rejoice that that party shielded itself to the exclusive ideal of Independence and was disposed to adopt the Nationalist tactic of immediate action against the usurpers of our right to the life of Free Nation? But we have seen, like you, that a tremendous defeat awaits that Unionist youth. It is true that some prominent directors offer their adherence, but the majority of the influential are decisively against it. There are those who hasten to express solidarity at these very moments with the most unconditional existing. Faced with the supreme right of Independence, the canticle of autonomy is heard at this point. Is an autonomic regime under the flag of the United States perhaps possible? Its constitution ignores such a political solution. Either Puerto Rico opts for its inalienable right to Independence or it voluntarily becomes extinct in a Yankee province, “state”, or it will indefinitely suffer the present territorial regime of absolute irresponsibility before the governed. No autonomic regime can be compared with Independence, but there are those who still accept beforehand and voluntarily the restrictions that are only tolerated when force imposes them. There is no Nationalism outside of the Nationalist Party. To its ranks those who love the Independence of the Homeland! Let us pressure the enemies of our liberation to form their annexationist bloc so that they alone bear the historical responsibility of having done everything in their power to end the personality of their own country, and thus ingratiate themselves with an invader who, although he uses them, feels deep contempt for them,
Yours in the cause,
Pedro ALBIZU CAMPOS.
THE JUDICATURE AND ANNEXATIONISM By Pedro Albizu Campos
To the general censure against his speech of July four, Mr. Emilio del Toro Cuevas, ratifies himself in his annexationist political creed, and reaffirms his intention not to renounce his position as Judge before intervening in the political contests. That is the synthesis of his last speech pronounced in the Ateneo. And this is a challenge to the sensible opinion of the country. We congratulate him for his valor in undressing a situation understood only by a limited number of people. The Judicature in every Government is the watchdog of the regime, be this liberal or reactionary, responsible or irresponsible to those subjected to its direction. Puerto Rico suffers an absolutely irresponsible regime. The legislative initiative besides being restricted, beforehand, has to face the irrevocable veto of the exotic power; and, if its initiatives come to become laws, these can be amended or totally revoked at any time by the Congress of the United States, the executive is openly the invader in person; the Judicature has appearances of criollismo in its composition, and, among the tribunals there is one that is called the Supreme Tribunal of Puerto Rico, name that implies judicial sovereignty, but the juridical reality is another. It is not a tribunal of Puerto Rico, because it is the president of the United States of North America, who, with the advice and consent of the Senate of that country, names its judges, but as we Puerto Ricans are obliged to pay the expenses of the government that has been imposed on us, the budget of said tribunal including the salaries of its judges, has to be covered by our treasury. Nor is it supreme in anything, because its sentences are subject to reconsideration on appeal before two superior foreign tribunals, that is, before the Circuit Court of Boston and the Supreme Tribunal of the United States of North America. In summary, it is a North American territorial hearing imposed on our country by the power that holds its sovereignty. The Judicature, in an irresponsible system of government, has to be extremely careful in its defense of the high politics of the regime. It cannot permit any precedent to be set that undermines the status quo. And this is more delicate where the invader pretends the definitive annexation of the country dominated by force as happens in Puerto Rico.
Also, as part of the high politics to follow, it has to take into account, very seriously, despite the invading force that can support it, the opinion of the subjected nation, that cannot lose faith in the administration of justice.
We understand that it is difficult for a Puerto Rican to occupy a position in the judicature if he meditates on the responsibility that he contracts when accepting the position.
A terrible dilemma assails him; how to unconditionally support the regime and at the same time be loyal to his Homeland of origin.
For that reason, those compatriots who have not communed with the plan of North American absorption and who have desired to see their country free from strange interventions, have renounced their judicial positions to dedicate themselves to defending the cause of Independence; equally, many annexationists in the same situation, have presented their resignation before launching themselves to preach statehood, thus respecting the opinion of the country, that expects of its citizens, that, before the difficulty of administering justice in an irresponsible regime, they should not create obstacles for the exercise of that ministry by the political propaganda of the judges or judicial functionaries during the exercise of their positions.
This principle has been imposed and no transgressor has escaped public disapproval for his unconsulted action contrary to it. In general, the judicature that this imperial regime has imposed on us has adhered to this principle of elevated ethics despite the grave official pressure that has been exerted on it.
We all owe this public recognition, despite the absurd and unpatriotic actions of some judges and judicial functionaries.
We esteemed Mr. Emilio Del Toro as a man of sufficient equanimity and character, who, despite his annexationist ideas, would never be the person who would pretend to break with this severe norm.
But, to the general reconvention for his unfortunate speech of July four, he has answered with a challenge full of arrogance to the Puerto Rican nation.
Here are his words: “To expose my ideas my judicial positions have not been nor will they be obstacles”.
He awaits with fervor “the complete liberty that we will enjoy in a not distant day, when the star of Borinquen shines resplendently in the American constellation as the symbol of one more state in the bosom of the union”.
It is impossible to surpass this song to annexation.
For better or worse, it remains admitted in his last speech, rectifying his words of July four that “the current liberty that we enjoy is limited”.
Very limited indeed, Mr. del Toro.
It is not liberty, it is imperial tolerance.
But immediately afterwards, he pretends to justify, nothing less than the intention of the current regime, alleging that it must be magnificent because here the recourse of habeas corpus has been implanted and schools are maintained.
Let us consider with coldness this affirmation. The school, is established the same to construct as to destroy. Therein lies the reason for the grave conflict between the different schools, historical and contemporary conflict. The empires in all times and in all parts plant and sow schools to disorient, first, and then demolish the nationalities subject to their force. That is our case. The recourse of habeas corpus, like every other recourse or disposition of the will that prevails in this country, is revocable at any moment if the Congress of the United States so pleases and can be suspended by the Governor of the colony or the President of the United States, without even consulting the people of Puerto Rico. What class of collective guarantee does that constitute? Now then, Mr. del Toro is disposed, to judge by his own words and without the slightest preoccupation to continue his annexationist propaganda from his judge’s chair. Nationalism picks up his challenge. He will not give a step without running into the most serious opposition to his disastrous trajectory for the country. Where does Mr. del Toro plan to take the judicature with his example? He owes a response to the Homeland where he was born, although this, for now, is unarmed to demand responsibilities from him.
HEAD-ON TO THE STRUGGLE. NATIONALISM IS IMMEDIATE ACTION
San Juan de Puerto Rico July 26, 1930 Lcdo. Luis Vergne Ortiz, San Juan de Puerto Rico. My dear friend:
An orientation! the politicians of conventionalism clamor. For what an orientation? To triumph in the elections? That unique finality is pursued. For the patriot there are no doubts nor hesitations. The orientation? To Independence! Without transacting with submission. Without tolerating the negation of the Homeland. Nothing is more intolerant than the truth! Nothing more intolerable than the negation of the national personality. Its negation entails all its evils: collapse of its culture; strange political tutelage and by force; economic exploitation and misery. Intransigence before the pretensions of an exotic power, that seizes us. Intransigence before the native henchmen that traffic with their own personality. They would accept slavery willingly if this kept them fat. You are one of the “crazy” for the Ideal of Independence! That definitive decision of the character is required to redeem Puerto Rico. It entails the spirit of heroic sacrifice. We owe ourselves to ourselves but also to posterity. Let us lift our people from that miserable condition of beggar to which their exploiters have reduced them. Head-on to the struggle: Nationalism is immediate action. It neither tolerates nor transacts with the domination of a foreign power.
Yours in the Cause, P. ALBIZU CAMPOS
PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE
THE NEW NORTH AMERICAN TARIFF
I To place its merchandise in Puerto Rico, the Department of Commerce of the United States maintains its own office in this capital. In each important city of that country an office is maintained by the same Department, but with an entirely distinct purpose: it is to teach North American merchants and industrialists how to sell their merchandise in foreign nations. The office existing in San Juan has never dedicated itself to illustrating our languishing commerce, already almost in bankruptcy due to North American competition, as it can intervene in the international competition in the placement of products of Puerto Rico. For the Department of Commerce of the United States, Puerto Rico is a foreign nation. This office supplies the necessary data to North American commerce to destroy our own commerce and international competition. Not long ago the chief of this office declared publicly that 90 percent of the foreign commerce of Puerto Rico was with the United States and 10 percent with other foreign nations; and that this 10 percent had to be eliminated so that the foreign commerce of Puerto Rico would be exclusively with the United States. We all know the difficulties that the importer of merchandise not originating from the United States encounters. The procedures each time become more difficult. When it is not the Department of Agriculture or that of Sanitation that renders the merchandise useless, any unexpected requirement is demanded, but there comes the consequent delay in the delivery, to the grave prejudice of the importer and, this one, gradually has to resort to the North American market to supply the needs of the national demand. And all this despite the North American tariff reigning in Puerto Rico. But that 10 percent of foreign commerce that the United States also desires to absorb, has not been able to be eliminated and now the new tariff has been approved that heavily taxes almost all foreign merchandise of non-North American origin and necessary for our consumption. The first effect of the new tariff law imposed on us has been to raise the price of that merchandise by the difference resulting between the types of the old and the new tariff.
Of course, with the importation of non-North American origin made difficult, by this insurmountable barrier, and with the entire administrative customs machine to contain any possible entry of non-Yankee origin, the desire of the United States to have absorbed 100 percent of our foreign commerce will soon be satisfied.
This is the effect of free cabotage. Anyone would believe that Puerto Rico would derive some benefit. Exactly the opposite happens.
The commerce and industry of the United States have an absolute monopoly of the market of Puerto Rico. Monopoly that exists by virtue of the tariff law imposed on the country, and also, because the Puerto Rican nation lacks powers to defend itself from it. The political power of the United States is utilized in our land to hoard our wealth, be this agrarian, industrial, or commercial.
The result is the following: the North American seller imposes a special price for Puerto Rico, which is almost always 10 percent, 15 percent and even 20 percent at times, higher than that which reigns for the same merchandise in the United States, and even twice as high as that established for that merchandise destined for other nations. For that concept alone, Puerto Rico pays an annual tribute to the United States whose average does not fall below $10,000.00, without taking into account that the merchandise that is launched on the market of Puerto Rico is of second or third class, that is, shoddy.
A notable architect called our attention to the fact that in Puerto Rico it was not possible to construct a building without ordering the materials directly from the United States, because merchandise of first class did not come from there to our commerce. Puerto Rico is considered what is called in North American commercial jargon junk marcket, that is, shoddy market.
If we take into account that 50 percent of that merchandise would not be available in the United States nor in any foreign market, and considering that our importation rarely descends to $80,000,000 it can be clearly seen the fabulous gain and exploitation that the invading nation derives from our commerce.
This is the high tribute that we pay for its military occupation.
There has been talk by those who do not know the tariff questions about the benefits that Puerto Rico can acquire by placing its own products in the North American market. And, let us talk about sugar.
Four large North American sugar centrals possess more than half of the most fertile lands of the country. The benefits that could be derived from sugar are almost totally for North American capital. The money that that represents never arrives in Puerto Rico.