Nor, of course, will it enter into arrangements, understandings, alliances or pacts of any kind with any other political party based on division of the budget because that practice corrupts public morals. “Any understanding that the Partido Nacionalista might reach, will have to be based on its program which is clear and definitive in demanding the immediate suppression of colonialism and the peremptory establishment of an independent republican government, responsible exclusively to the Puerto Rican nation. “Such is the sovereign will of the party in repudiating from the year 1924 until now the combinations that the existing parties have proposed. That will was definitively expressed when the last Sovereign Assembly adopted the program that governs the actions of our collectivity today. “The leadership of the Partido Nacionalista in Caguas is brilliant. It is perfectly oriented and is capable of all sacrifices for the attainment of the ideal of Homeland independence. “The letter of don Luis García Casanova, member of the National Board, is not only a definition of our policy, but also a definition of public morals.” COMMENTS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE PARTIDO NACIONALISTA ON THE MARGIN OF THE REPORT RENDERED BY THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTE28 Christian civilization has imposed the norm of law in the internal life and in the external relations of nationalities. It is certain that there has been violent temptation against that norm, but that it is respected, on pain of falling again into barbarism, is undeniable. Even the war of dispossession requires justification. The masses of the aggressor must be mobilized with ideals of respect for rules of a higher order. One cannot appeal to their sense of sordidness or selfishness, if one wants to create armed institutions capable of heroics that have the sacrifice itself as their limit. In attacking the neighbor, it is necessary to give explanations to the world. Foreign intervention in the contest is a danger that is always taken into account, because it interests all nations to maintain the equilibrium that allows each one to develop within its full sovereignty. Although the sinister designs of Estados Unidos were always to seize the Antilles, to convert the Caribbean into a Yankee lake, and thus exert a strategic influence over Méjico, Central and South America, it was not possible to make known to the North American nation the true purposes of conquest. They were told to wage a war for reasons of humanity. Before international opinion, the case of Cuba and Puerto Rico under Spanish sovereignty was presented as something so intolerable in the light of civilization that it forced a nation anxious not to disturb the peace to intervene so that our right to enjoy freedom would be respected. Thus, North American patriotism was exalted, the concerns of other powers were lulled, the Antillean hopes were unduly exalted, and war was declared. The Yankee invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898, meant the disappearance of obscurantism, and the oppression of the Spanish, and the advent of a regime of freedom, equality, fraternity and material prosperity, to judge by the Yankee propaganda. And all that happiness came to us imposed generously by North American philanthropy and the sense of humanity. The invaders imposed the Treaty of París on España. We were not consulted for its drafting or approval. They forced España to cede Puerto Rico as war indemnification. All this knocked down the hackneyed Yankee humanity, but their propaganda exterminated Puerto Rican concerns and international misgivings. The portorriqueños hastened, without distinction of parties, to cooperate in this supposed advent of freedom. No one believed that the invader had dedicated himself to profaning the most sacred terms for man. They implemented an absolute regime in order to dispose of all franchises and determine the displacement of all wealth from native hands to the invaders. Thus, agriculture, industry, commerce, and the routes of communication practically became theirs. Today, scarcely twenty percent remains in the hands of the natives. Voices of alarm, cries of patriotism, imprecations against the invader, were heard. But Yankee propaganda again lulled the Puerto Rican conscience. Our misgivings quelled, before the eyes of our own and strangers, we were presented as a country enjoying extraordinary prosperity, due exclusively to the presence of the magic North American flag. The workers came to believe that their good salaries depended on the Yankee government; many intellectuals placed their dearest hopes in occupying a high position in the North American government, especially in the diplomatic and consular service; the farmers were warned against possible worker demagoguery; commerce was attracted by the supposed advantages of free cabotage between Puerto Rico and Estados Unidos; the landowner came to the conviction that he had to deposit his money in invading banks because Yankee propaganda veiledly accused us all of dishonesty; the professoriate became convinced that they had to teach everything in English, in short, the nation assented to its material and moral dismemberment, anesthetized with the supposed good intentions. The patriotism of some natives was of no avail. The worker could not believe that the Yankee government was the promoter of latifundismo and absenteeism of the destruction of all native industry, so that unemployment would arise on a large scale and the labor force would be cheap so that Yankee corporations would accumulate enormous capital. Commerce lost all sense of accounting. It did not expect the inevitable bankruptcy and liquidation for it, as a result of free cabotage that obliges us to sell to the Yankee at the price that he deigns to set, and they oblige us to buy from the same subject at the price that he deigns to stipulate. The naive landowner, attracted by foreign propaganda, believed that the branches of foreign banks were backed by piles of millions of dollars and deposited his savings in them with which the invader repaired his own companies, and withdrawing that money from the market, took the type of interest, making impossible the rehabilitation of the native. The colono became a slave of the exploitative companies and, sooner or later, had to hand over his earnings to the creditor who was stalking him. The government taxed his farm at the highest possible price, and allowed the invading interests, and continues to allow them, the concealment of all kinds of goods, sets a low price on the declared goods, and tolerates them not paying the taxes already stipulated, exonerating them from the application of distraint and auction in public auction. While year after year, in the most systematic way, farms of the natives are auctioned off in many cases, for an amount that does not exceed two dollars. Still, with the excuse of teaching English, a system of public instruction is maintained that employs the language of the invader as the only vehicle of teaching, at a cost of more than four million a year. In reality, English is not taught, and what is done is to brutalize the youth by obliging them to study sciences and Latin in English, and other languages in the language of the invader. The invader reached the point that he did not need to justify himself. Natives on salary had already arisen to do so. Thus, we have conspicuous “pedagogues”, in the Department of Instruction sanctioning the barbarities that we have pointed out. Lawyers abound to defend the invading interests. There exists a group of pseudo-intellectuals who have dared to preach the formation of the hybrid type, that monster half Yankee, half Puerto Rican. North American propaganda had triumphed. Despite these facts, it was insisted that prosperity was real and effective, that the most advanced civilization was our peculiar good. Abroad, we were made out to be a prosperous, happy people, and definitively delivered, enjoying so much well-being that we deserved to have emulators. A nationalist movement arose that was not confined to the colony. It sought international cooperation. It pointed out the lie of North American goodness in Puerto Rico. It is painful to confess it, but in the foreign country itself, there were portorriqueños who accepted the task from the government of continuing to maintain such falsehood. Orienting Puerto Rican opinion towards the nations of our race, the colonial legislature was encouraged to send a cablegram to the sixth American conference that was being held in La Habana. Everyone knows the wrath that the despot Coolidge produced by that message. In his reply, although he continues to maintain that the progress of Puerto Rico is due exclusively to North American leadership, he outlined the new propaganda of misery. When Puerto Rico was supposed to be prosperous and happy under the American flag, there was no reason to lower it. Now, that it was composed of miserable and hungry people there is no reason to lower it either, it is needed to help this people. The propaganda of prosperity exhausted, the propaganda of misery begins. The San Felipe storm comes and the colonial Governor Roosevelt to justify it. This man, with the sense of the populachero politician of the barrio, passes himself off as a great friend of ours, enters the mountain, takes photographs of our nakedness and our hunger. He propagates them in Estados Unidos, solicits North American public and private charity, alleging that we do not have resources to attend to our needs. The unwary fall quickly. The servile, as always, are moved to hear the voice of the master. Others fear to combat him. Everyone applauds. The Partido Nacionalista raises its voice of protest against that perverse propaganda that throws down our credit and our prestige. It plants it in the Legislature itself of the colony. It points out that there is no public or private charity in Estados Unidos for Puerto Rico. It affirms with haughtiness, that if there were, we do not want it. We demand only justice for our nationality. We demand that its right to govern its own destinies be respected, to constitute itself in an independent republic of all tutelage. The colonial Governor asks the Legislature for special powers to resolve the supposed crisis. He enters the Capitol itself to give orders. No one dares to protest against his presence. He wants the entire municipal administration, which is the only thing that is partially in Puerto Rican hands, to be submitted to his absolute will. There are suspicions. The Legislature refused. But he obtains from it the creation of several agencies that will function under his direct command. They are so important that he did not allow them to be placed in any department. We will speak extensively on this question later. He speaks of the industrialization of the country. Everyone is stunned by such a pleasant hope. He presents the directors of the parties in the legislature, to Davidson Bros., as our saviors. These newcomers are going to build, according to Roosevelt, a large refrigeration plant for fruits of the country; they have many millions of dollars and will be able to distribute many millions. But they need the Legislature to give them six thousand square meters of land with a seafront in the first port of the country, San Juan, to build large docks that facilitate the docking of ships of great draft. The solvency of Davidson Bros. is investigated. They appear incorporated in Florida with a capital of TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS. We have just been informed that these gentlemen are mere agents of the fearsome Yankee octopus, the “United Fruit Co.” And now we explain the presence in San Juan of a representative of the United Fruit Co. We warn that we will not allow our misery to serve as an excuse to finish stripping us bare. Industrialization starts badly. Now Roosevelt pretends to make us believe that the salvation of Puerto Rico depends on a donation of three million that the Congress of Estados Unidos makes to us, certainly, very refractory to ceding a cent. Here his empire has triumphed. They do not need to disburse money for their propaganda. We do it and pay for it willingly. THREE MILLION! What are three million to resolve the crisis of a country? Stop the farce. We demand respect for our opinion. Neither Roosevelt, nor his substitute Beverley, nor his subordinate Domenech, dare to reward the great North American interests, which are owing many millions to the treasury. Instead, they throw down the Law that facilitated the payment of taxes to the small landowners. In a word, pretending to alleviate misery, it is necessary to intensify it. And now the report of the Brookings Institute arrives. Its publication coincides with the presence of Roosevelt in Estados Unidos. This does not surprise those who know something of the Yankee propaganda system. The “experts” paint a somber picture. They recommend drastic measures to resolve the crisis. Let us see some: That the colonial Senate disappear. In practice, this body has not existed yet. It has always yielded to the will of the colonial governor. Not to make the story long, let us examine the case of the appointment of the current Treasurer Domenech. His party was opposed to his appointment. No one wanted him in that position. But his appointment was confirmed unanimously! As the colonial Legislature is a comedy, accepted until now, according to the institute, it would not be strange if despotism in hair were accepted. It is dangerous to maintain a comedy giving serious actors the opportunity to convert it into a tragedy. That municipal power be restricted, that the direct centralizing power from Washington be increased, etc. etc., are measures necessary to our salvation, according to the opinion of these “experts”. The important thing is that latifundismo be legalized. The restriction of the five hundred acres that disappear because it no longer exists. The colonial legislators never put it into effect. Let Puerto Rico be a factory. Cheap peones, capataces, and police are needed. A factory does not need a legislature or political power. It is necessary to economize. Suppress the superfluous organisms. When all the Puerto Rican wealth passes to the invaders, these will have, for the first time, to bear the weight of the budget. There will no longer be natives to cover their disbursements. Public power will frankly be a department of the administration of the factory. Puerto Rico will be another Hawaii. We portorriqueños will be peones, capataces and police, to guarantee the invaders in the enjoyment of our wealth against our opposition that may arise. And still, there is someone who dares to ask for tolerance for the invader. The moment has arrived to apply sanctions to those who cooperate here with the invader. There is misery but not for lack of resources. It is necessary to suppress the hoarding of these resources. We have to distribute them among our people. The legion of landowners that we had in 1898 must arise again. The declarations of the Brookings Institute do not surprise the Partido Nacionalista: We know the machinations of Yankee propaganda. To these “experts” we have to thank for having filled the cup of the elements until now unconditional. To the politicians who do not militate in our party, it must be warned that the Puerto Rican nation demands the immediate suppression of this regime and that it will not allow them to disorient themselves in the effort that it is making to definitively end this situation. We will not tolerate simulations of rebellion. If there is sincerity, as is to be expected, before this great collective tragedy, why are the respective general assemblies of each party not held immediately, and in them it is resolved to demand the recognition of our right to constitute ourselves, in a free and independent Homeland? The Puerto Rican Nation demands definitive actions from those who pretend to represent it. P. ALBIZU CAMPOS LETTER TO LCDO. EUGENIO FONT SUAREZ29 San Juan, P.R. May 28, 1930 Lcdo. Eugenio Font Suárez, San Juan, Pto. Rico. My dear friend: It is the hour of decision. The country orders everyone to enter into immediate struggle. It imposes on the individual and political groups a commitment that requires non-deferrable sacrifices. It is not enough to declare oneself in favor of national independence. That declaration in a party program is not sufficient. It is necessary to commit oneself publicly with specific measures to immediately wreck this colonialism that crushes us. The patience of our aggrieved people is exhausted. If we are to consign in a political program the demand for independence and then dedicate ourselves to the struggle for colonial posts, may the earth open and swallow us all. For that reason, the Partido Nacionalista has committed itself before the nation, in the most solemn form, to celebrate the constituent convention of the republic of Puerto Rico, as soon as it receives the suffrage of the majorities. It is pleasant to see the resurgence of the spirit of struggle in all sectors. We salute the vanguard that arises in the “Unión de Puerto Rico”. We hope to see the patriotic spirit reveal itself with equal brio in the other political parties. The renovation is general. But let us not forget the slogan: Immediate action. I congratulate you for the brilliant document that in the form of a letter addressed to this your friend, as President of the Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, you have just launched to the public. You did not need to give explanations. Thus, the entire country will have understood it. Your patriotism, your love for the cause of the Maestro de Diego are known to all. You are animated by the courage of lived conviction and the consecration to the liberty of the Homeland. Grateful for your most cordial esteem, Embraces you your friend and S.S.S., PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS, President of the Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico THERE IS NO NATIONALISM OUTSIDE OF THE PARTIDO NACIONALISTA 30 San Juan, Puerto Rico July 17, 1930 Mr. Don José Lameiro. San Juan, de Puerto Rico. Distinguished friend and coreligionist: We have lately received several ships loaded with “patriots”, all commissioned for various purposes in Estados Unidos: to ask for alms, to extend to Puerto Rico all the laws of that country, to end the association of Teachers of Puerto Rico, to destroy our culture, to support the policy of the colonial governor and thus ingratiate themselves with the power, and to convert us into Yankee instruments in the diplomatic and consular service of that country in its systematic invasion of América Latina. All these gentlemen require physical rehabilitation after such an effort. The Homeland will not deny it to them opportunely. It did not occur to any of them to say in Estados Unidos that our only need is Independence to resolve our own problems; that we have capacity and abundant natural resources to attend as is due to our Nationality. The only need is Independence to be able to dominate the invasion of the latifundista invading capital, and to curb the insolence of the foreign banks that want to end our wealth, to protect our workers against the invading exploitation and to regulate our commerce by means of treaties that are convenient to us. In a word, to end the hoarding of all our resources and to impose a better distribution of them that allows our citizens to live a decent life in harmony with the demands of contemporary civilization so that our people can arrive at the complete development of its spiritual and physical life. But no. These commissioners come proud of the suggestions that they offer to the power so that it annihilates us completely, giving it the opportunity to make its demolishing work appear as an act of supreme charity. They repeat like parrots the already worn language of the Yankee teacher who occupies the fortress. Could not the sepoys think of anything else? Your letter of adhesion to our party published recently in “La Correspondencia” comes. You have true orientation. Your letter rejects that wave of submission. You leave behind the unionist liberalism. We salute, with enthusiasm, when that effort of renovation began. We yearn for the day that all the political parties consign in their program as the only yearning the Independence of their Homeland. How not to rejoice that that party should shield itself to the exclusive ideal of Independence and prepare to adopt the Nationalist tactic of immediate action against the usurpers of our right to the life of a Free Nation? But we have seen, like you, that only a tremendous defeat awaits that Unionist youth. It is certain that some prominent directors offer it their adhesion, but the majority of the influential ones are decisively against it. There are those who hasten to solidarize themselves in these very moments with the most unconditional existing. Facing the supreme right of Independence, one hears, at this stage, the canticle of autonomy. Is an autonomic regime under the flag of Estados Unidos perhaps possible? Its constitution ignores such a political solution. Either Puerto Rico opts for its inalienable right to Independence or it is voluntarily extinguished in a Yankee province, “state”, or it will indefinitely suffer the present territorial regime of absolute irresponsibility before the governed. No autonomic regime can be compared with Independence, but there are those who still accept in advance and voluntarily, the restrictions that are only tolerated when force imposes them. There is no Nationalism outside of the Partido Nacionalista. To its ranks those who love the Independence of the Homeland! Let us pressure the enemies of our liberation to form their annexationist bloc so that they carry alone the historical responsibility of having done everything in their power to end the personality of their own country, and thus make themselves pleasing with an invader who, although he uses them, feels profound contempt for them, Yours in the cause, Pedro ALBIZU CAMPOS. THE JUDICIARY AND ANNEXATIONISM³¹ By Pedro Albizu Campos To the general censure against his speech of July fourth, Mr. Emilio del Toro Cuevas, ratifies himself in his annexationist political creed, and reaffirms his intention not to resign his post of Judge before intervening in the political contests. That is the synthesis of his last speech pronounced in the Ateneo. And this is a challenge to the sensible opinion of the country. We congratulate him for his courage in undressing a situation understood only by a limited number of people. The Judiciary in every Government is the watchdog of the regime, be it liberal or reactionary, responsible or irresponsible to those subjected to its direction. Puerto Rico suffers an absolutely irresponsible regime. The legislative initiative, in addition to being restricted, in advance, has to face the irrevocable veto of the exotic power; and, if its initiatives come to be converted into laws, these can be amended or totally revoked at any time by the Congress of Estados Unidos, the executive is openly the invader in person; the Judiciary has signs of criollismo in its composition, and, among the tribunals there is one that is called Supreme Tribunal of Puerto Rico, a name that implies judicial sovereignty, but the juridical reality is another. It is not a tribunal of Puerto Rico, because it is the president of Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, who, with the advice and consent of the Senate of that country, names its judges, but as we portorriqueños are obliged to pay the expenses of the government that has been imposed on us, the budget of said tribunal including the salaries of its judges, has to be covered by our treasury. Nor is it supreme in anything, because its sentences are subject to reconsideration on appeal before two superior foreign tribunals, that is, before the Circuit Court of Boston and the Supreme Tribunal of Estados Unidos de Norteamérica. In short, it is a North American territorial audience imposed on our country by the power that holds its sovereignty. The Judiciary, in an irresponsible system of government, has to be extremely careful in its defense of the high politics of the regime. It cannot allow any precedent to be set that undermines the status quo. And this is more delicate where the invader pretends the definitive annexation of the country dominated by force as happens in Puerto Rico. Also, as part of the high politics to be followed, it has to take into account, very seriously, despite the invading force that can back it, the opinion of the subjected nation, which cannot lose faith in the administration of justice. We understand that it is difficult for a portorriqueño to occupy a post in the judiciary if he meditates on the responsibility that he incurs by accepting the post. A terrible dilemma assaults him; how to unconditionally back the regime and at the same time be loyal to his Homeland of origin. For that reason, those compatriots who have not communed with the North American plan of absorption and who have wished to see their country free of foreign interventions, have resigned their judicial posts to dedicate themselves to defending the cause of Independence; equally, many annexationists in the same situation, have presented their resignation before launching themselves to preach statehood, thus respecting the opinion of the country, which
awaiting from its citizens, who, before the difficulty of administering justice in an irresponsible regime, should not create obstacles for the exercise of that ministry by the political propaganda of the judges or judicial officials during the exercise of their positions. This principle has been imposed and no transgressor has escaped public disavowal for his unadvised action contrary to it. In general, the judiciary that this imperial regime has imposed upon us has adhered to this principle of high ethics despite the serious official pressure that has been exerted on it. We all owe it this public recognition, despite the absurd and unpatriotic actions of some judges and judicial officials. We esteemed Mr. Emilio Del Toro as a man of sufficient equanimity and character, who, despite his annexationist ideas, would never be the person who would try to break with this severe norm. But, to the general reprimand for his unfortunate speech of July fourth, he has responded with a challenge full of arrogance to the Puerto Rican nation. Here are his words: “My judicial positions have not been and will not be obstacles to expose my ideas.” He awaits with fervor “the complete freedom that we will enjoy in a not distant day, when the star of Borinquen shines resplendently in the American constellation as the symbol of one more state in the bosom of the union.” It is impossible to surpass this song to annexation. For better or worse, it is admitted in his last speech, rectifying his words of July fourth, that “the current freedom that we enjoy is limited.” Very limited indeed, Mr. del Toro. It is not freedom, it is imperial tolerance. But immediately afterwards, he intends to justify, no less than the intention of the current regime, alleging that it must be magnificent because the recourse of habeas corpus has been implemented here and schools are maintained. Let us consider this statement coldly. The school is established as much to build as to destroy. That is why the serious conflict between the different schools, a historical and contemporary conflict. Empires in all times and in all places plant and sow schools to disorient, first, and then demolish the nationalities subject to their force. That is our case. The recourse of habeas corpus, like any other recourse or disposition of the will that prevails in this country, is revocable at any moment if the United States Congress so pleases and can be suspended by the Governor of the colony or the President of the United States, without even consulting the people of Puerto Rico. What kind of collective guarantee does that constitute? Now then, Mr. del Toro is willing, judging by his own words and without the slightest concern, to continue his annexationist propaganda from his judge’s chair. Nationalism picks up his challenge. It will not take a step without encountering the most serious opposition to his disastrous trajectory for the country. Where does Mr. del Toro intend to take the judiciary with his example? He owes an answer to the Homeland where he was born, even though it, for now, is unarmed to demand responsibilities. FACING THE FIGHT. NATIONALISM IS IMMEDIATE ACTION³ ² San Juan de Puerto Rico, July 26, 1930 Lcdo. Luis Vergne Ortiz, San Juan de Puerto Rico. My dear friend: An orientation! The politicians of conventionalism cry out. What is an orientation for? To succeed in the elections? That is the only purpose pursued. For the patriot there are no doubts or hesitations. The orientation? To Independence! Without compromising with submission. Without tolerating the denial of the Homeland. Nothing is more intolerant than the truth! Nothing is more intolerable than the denial of the national personality. Its denial entails all its evils: collapse of its culture; foreign political tutelage and by force; economic exploitation and misery. Intransigence before the pretensions of an exotic power, which stifles us. Intransigence before the native henchmen who traffic with their own personality. They would accept slavery willingly if it kept them fat. You are one of the “crazy” ones for the Ideal of Independence! That decisive decision of character is required to redeem Puerto Rico. It entails the spirit of heroic sacrifice. We owe ourselves to ourselves but also to posterity. Let us lift our people from that miserable condition of beggar to which its exploiters have reduced it. Facing the fight: Nationalism is immediate action. It does not tolerate or compromise with the domination of a foreign power. Yours in the Cause, P. ALBIZU CAMPOS PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE³³ THE NEW NORTH AMERICAN TARIFF I To place its merchandise in Puerto Rico, the United States Department of Commerce maintains its own office in this capital. In each important city of that country an office is maintained by the same Department, but with an entirely different purpose: it is to teach American merchants and industrialists how to sell their merchandise in foreign nations. The office existing in San Juan has never been dedicated to illustrating our languishing commerce, already almost bankrupt due to American competition, how it can intervene in international competition in the placement of Puerto Rican products. For the United States Department of Commerce, Puerto Rico is a foreign nation. This office provides the necessary data to American commerce to destroy our own commerce and international competition. Not long ago the head of this office publicly declared that 90 percent of Puerto Rico’s foreign trade was with the United States and 10 percent with other foreign nations; and that this 10 percent had to be eliminated so that Puerto Rico’s foreign trade would be exclusively with the United States. We all know the difficulties encountered by the importer of merchandise not originating in the United States. The procedures are becoming more and more difficult. When it is not the Department of Agriculture or the Department of Health that renders the merchandise useless, any unexpected requirement is demanded, but there is the consequent delay in delivery, to the serious detriment of the importer, and the latter gradually has to resort to the American market to supply the needs of national demand. And all this despite the fact that the American tariff is in force in Puerto Rico. But that 10 percent of foreign trade that it desires