The unionist faction was filled with jubilation with what it esteemed a victory because its rivals in the official positions had stumbled over an obstacle. The allies, at this moment, of the puros, aliancistas and socialists, have limited themselves to manifesting the displeasure felt in their ranks for that executive disposition. To none of those gentlemen of the legislature has it occurred to them to raise the fundamental question of whether or not a legislative power exists in Puerto Rico. Their conduct does not surprise us. Almost all of them know that there is no such legislative power, but they are voluntary cooperators of the system and maintain the imperial comedy that must end with the country and with themselves, if the policy of spines bent or broken by the North American will does not definitively end in the short term. The jubilation of the unionist faction ceased with the signing of a bill by “commission” for San Juan, which ends with the electoral right in the capital. Nor was the general municipal law approved to “reform” the administration of the municipalities, that is, to end all vestige of municipal power, to their liking. The factions opposed to unionism have shown their public satisfaction with the approval of these laws. We knew that these laws would have to be approved in any way to increase the direct personal power of the military chief, Mr. Colonel Roosevelt, which satisfies the administration of Washington and the idiosyncrasy of its representative in Puerto Rico. It is already public knowledge, by its own executive declaration, that the budgetary spoils of the capital will be divided “equitably” among the gentlemen of the legislature who constitute the governmental unionist, socialist, aliancista, and pura factions. Mr. Colonel is to do us another good by presenting these factions, which seem antagonistic but which in reality constitute the political unity defending the North American regime, in the administration of San Juan. Prepare the country to contemplate a commission that governs the municipality of San Juan, of puros, unionists, socialists and aliancistas. If by the veto of the electoral law and by the explicit declarations of Mr. Colonel Roosevelt it was verified that there is no legislative power, by the approval of the law by commission of San Juan it has been demonstrated that there is no electoral right. That of mobilizing public opinion every four years, the entire electorate, and spending a large sum of money on elections, serves only to maintain another farce that suffrage exists in Puerto Rico. Suffrage exists where there is a regime of freedom that depends on a regime of law, that is, a regime responsible to the governed and that emanates from their will. But to say that there is suffrage where the vote can serve exclusively to establish the will of the regime or to affirm it, is to be a victim of a lack of legal sense and of the ignorance of the prevailing political reality. The Nationalist Party will put to the test whether or not suffrage exists in Puerto Rico and will put the regime to the test definitively when it decrees the Constituent Convention of the Republic upon obtaining the vote of the majorities. The suppression of the municipalities and the abolition of suffrage complement the governmental attack against native economic interests. It is known to all that the present regime has as its definitive orientation the elimination of the native landowner, industrialist, merchant and financier to supplant them with invaders. The success of this policy has led the country to its present ruin. However, some Puerto Rican landowners remain in the interior of the country in possession of the coffee wealth. They had to be eliminated. Wherever there is a Puerto Rican with his own land, there will be a bulwark of resistance against the invasion. The policy against them began as all imperial measures begin, under the guise of helping them. The first help was the implementation of the Federal Agricultural Bank. We told the country when this institution was installed that, under the pretext of providing long-term credits to our farmers, it would keep all the real estate wealth of the interior of the country, as soon as those farmers suffered an economic setback, either due to depression in the value of the product of the land or by one of those cyclones that periodically lash us. As soon as San Felipe appeared, the bank began the routine process of displacement, execution of farm after execution of farm, sales at public auction for cash. But, no Puerto Rican can have funds available to attend a sale at public auction. It is North American interests that can buy for cash. The operation is facilitated for them by means of the banks that monopolize our economies. There are already North American experts in coffee production. A possible production of one million quintals per year is estimated. It is known that any amount can influence the depression of the coffee market in the United States due to the Brazilian overproduction that demoralizes the market despite Brazil’s efforts to fix prices. Our coffee production must therefore go into North American hands. Thus our last landowners will be finished off, and the Brazilian market can be attacked. The proletarian army will be reinforced by more than half a million souls. All this, of course, within an economic rehabilitation plan. To attack us, it is always necessary to simulate our protection. The Federal Bank exists only for purposes of penetration. A mortgage bank is needed when there is an agrarian crisis to protect the landowner in his title when bankruptcy threatens him, but, behold, here is a mortgage credit bank that maintains relations with the farmer while he can pay him interest and executes the farm as soon as the first difficulty arises. However, the pressure from the bank is not enough. This institution is a governmental agency. The government must lend it all its immediate cooperation. It is necessary to intensify the displacement of Puerto Ricans. Any nucleus of them with their own lands constitutes a danger to the regime. They can serve as support for national demands. They must be exterminated. The government had committed to alleviate the tax burden that weighed on them. A law was approved in that sense. Mr. Colonel Roosevelt, of course, denied his approval. How is the military governor going to approve anything that could benefit a Puerto Rican landowner, when his approval would only serve to obstruct the penetration policy that he is obliged to implement? Mr. Colonel smiles when he talks about economic rehabilitation. He tells the country to think only about that and forget politics. With that guideline he has subtracted public confidence in the same partisan factions that make up the government party. Those who have some pesetas have been convinced by Mr. Colonel that they should divorce themselves from any political movement. Thus he has crushed those groups that dispute the budget and has demolished the economic organizations. If there had been sincerity in the economic rehabilitation, nothing easier to carry out. It would suffice for the military occupation government not to allow banking usury in Puerto Rico and to force the establishment of the same credit conditions that exist in New York. There the discount rate is two and a half percent at the Federal Reserve Bank, and the banks attached to that federal system put money at the disposal of their clients at four or four and a half percent at the most. But the current rate of interest in the banks of Puerto Rico is ten percent with personal guarantees of absolute solvency; and when it comes to a mortgage loan, the rate rises to twelve percent, and in general is higher than twelve percent due to the onerous conditions imposed on mortgage debtors, indirectly so as not to invalidate the obligation. In addition, the savings of our people deposited in the banks are at the disposal of a foreign power. They are in the power of the National City Bank, the Royal Bank and the Banco Nova Escotia, which repair at interests that are enemies of the country. The military government, as at all times, lends its most decisive cooperation to this banking plan and deposits the bulk of public funds in those banks. Among the first administrative acts of Mr. Colonel Roosevelt we can cite the deposit he made of the funds of the people of Puerto Rico at the National City Bank. Two thirds of those funds went to the disposal of this octopus. To speak of the industrialization of a country in those circumstances is to make cold fun of its ingenuity. The industrialization of a country depends exclusively on money at an interest rate that does not exceed five percent. The preferred shares of an industrial company never accrue an interest of more than seven percent per year; the communal shares are considered magnificent when the net income is four percent. Now, the occupying power has left our entire country to banking exploitation and has refused to establish here the credit conditions that it reserves in its country for its citizens and that we have just cited. This was necessary so that all forms of wealth in Puerto Rico pass into North American hands and thus free cabotage will serve only as an incentive for the North American absorption of all our sources of production. It will never benefit Puerto Ricans and will serve as an incentive to attack them ruthlessly in the economic field. The military governor Mr. Colonel Roosevelt has just clarified the situation in a way that leaves no room for doubt. What does the country expect from this policy of submission and cooperation with the regime? No one has an interest in defending us except ourselves. It is foolish to believe that the invaders have no other interest than the exploitation of Puerto Rico. The hour has come for the concentration of all Puerto Ricans in the patriotic movement of nationalism that immediately ends with this regime that, under the title of protection, has placed misery and death as sentinels at the door of each Puerto Rican home. San Juan, Puerto Rico, May 18, 1931. By the National Board of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico: P. ALBIZU CAMPOS. President. SPEAKING WITH THE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONALIST PARTY OF PUERTO RICO The multifaceted personality of Albizu Campos is little known in the country. Thus until yesterday, his ideals in the basic problem of Puerto Rico. His work is linked to the vital problem of the Patria and his personality will be more and more understood as his emancipation campaign clears away the mists that obscure our destiny. The visionary patriot, the man of mystical-religious temperament of traditional morals resistant to acid, the politician loyal to his ideas, the apostle of the Puerto Rican cause, as his followers call him, has emerged. Let us examine him. Our country needs to know him. We are not going to make the apology of a man. We are going to point out the clarity that is outlined on the horizon of our struggles for the freedom and redemption of our people. -Here is the man whose bronze arm in the midst of the darkness we suffer, raises high the only light that illuminates us, says the nationalist gentleman who gives me some biographical data of Mr. Albizu. Albizu Campos studied at the Universities of Vermont and Harvard, graduating from the second as a Chemical Engineer, Laws, Philosophy and Letters and Military Sciences. He dominates several languages, in addition to the classics, English, French, Portuguese, German and Spanish. He was the organizer of the Irish revolutionary university movement at Harvard, which movement was extended throughout the continent. He was also related to the Hindu liberation movement. In the class he was the most requested student for all acts of transcendence in the University. He was expressly called by the directors of Harvard to enter the same in view of his high intellectual gifts demonstrated in Vermont, granting him a scholarship. It is the first time that I speak with Mr. Albizu Campos. I am pleasantly impressed by the supporter of the Independence of Puerto Rico. He is a serene, tranquil, relaxed man, of high ideology, rapid and secure conception, courteous manners and very distinguished treatment. We talked about many things before beginning this interview. At the end I ask the first question that my interlocutor answers immediately. -How do you think before the current political moment of Puerto Rico? -Nationalism is like the universal ether: it penetrates all sectors. The Pure Republican Party falls under the weight of its error of political and tactical purpose. Clarifying that the North American “state” is neither a state nor sovereign, and lacks international personality, and that it is a mere province, the entire foundation of that party rolls to the ground. Statehood for Puerto Rico would be its extinction in the North American nation. No intelligent person, conscious of this truth, can continue to militate in that group. Its tactic of passionate cooperation with the regime could not have been more disastrous. It is a faction in full dissolution. There already exists within it the vanguard that, with true patriotic sense, has publicly requested from the leadership that it declare itself frankly for the absolute independence of its country. The next assembly of the “puros” will, for that sole consideration, be of great public interest. The socialist governmental faction, defined until now in favor of “the permanent and indestructible union” between the United States and Puerto Rico, also feels the shake-up of the nationalist emancipation movement. That group will not be able to continue being annexationist and antisocialist. It will have to define itself, in accordance with the socialist postulates of the North American socialist party, for the absolute independence of Puerto Rico. The pro-independence elements that militate in its bosom in good faith will force that renovation in the next convention that is held. The aliancista and unionist factions, which have the same contradictory program of “state” or independence, in the alternative, have suffered a rude shake-up recently with the political declarations in favor of absolute independence that the head of the unionists has just made, seconded by other directors of that group. As in reality, the aliancistas and the unionists hold the same program, and as the break between them is recent, the aliancista sector feels the repercussions of these declarations and considers itself part of the conservative unionist element obliged to combat them. The duel that “La Democracia” and “La Correspondencia”, organs of those factions, sustain, is of the utmost interest to the observer who coldly contemplates the renovation that is necessarily being imposed on all the groups that until now have delivered the Patria tied to the invader. -Well, and of the political moment in the Union of Puerto Rico, what do you tell me? -A yearning for transformation is manifested within it, which has been extremely painful because that political body is ossified. As a governmental element it has lost all its moral ascendancy and to reconquer it it is perhaps making its last effort. The dilemma is clear: life or death. With the Yankees or with the Puerto Ricans. Alea jacta est. The Puerto Rican nation demands its immediate redemption and prepares to combat the regime head-on. No one aspires to direct its destinies who is not willing to fulfill his duty of sacrifice for the cause of Patria’s independence. -If the next assembly of the Union defines itself for Independence as the only political solution for Puerto Rico, what would the Nationalist Party do? -The Nationalist Party is the living Patria, and resolved to emancipate itself immediately by its own effort. It does not understand about postponement for its redemption from the military occupation that lashes it. That same thing, surely, the Assembly will have to say that it celebrates as the sole purpose of independence—I think. Mr. Albizu Campos continues talking about his party. I listen with respect: -We have made the public commitment not to cooperate with the regime. We reject executive positions. We limit ourselves to accepting the elective positions that emanate from the popular will. As soon as we receive the suffrage of the majorities we will proclaim the constitution of the Republic within twenty-four hours of the elections having taken place. Such are the definitive dispositions of our program. Any declaration of independence made by a governmental faction such as the Unionist Party, will please us because it is a formal recognition of the nationalist conscience that we have formed in the country. Nationalism has a sacred deposit. No political maneuver that is made, by any other group, will move it from its definitive trajectory towards the immediate achievement of the emancipation of the Patria. We have a diaphanous political ideology that resists analysis in the light of day. Our tactic is resolute. It is necessary that dedicated and courageous men and women militate in our ranks. We are going to resolve without further delay the suppression of the North American military occupation in Puerto Rico. -Wouldn’t the Nationalist Party unite its forces with those of the Union of Puerto Rico, not separating them already differences of ideals? -Nationalism has kept pure the ideal of independence. It will not allow its adulterations. It will not tolerate that it is profaned by using it as a tactic to win elections that if they are victorious, our flag will then serve as a carpet for the invaders. For those who truly want the independence of Puerto Rico, there is a loving place for them. Come and take your place in the ranks of true patriotism. -Then there would be two parties in Puerto Rico holding the same ideal, in my judgment it would be an unnecessary and inexplicable pugilate between brothers, I believe that every day we divide ourselves more here. I look with sorrow that perhaps the dream of my uncle, of union of the Puerto Ricans, can never be realized. Muñoz Rivera gave his life to that work. We should remember him. -We nationalists do not understand pacts, coalitions or alliances. These combinations are made to attack the budget and we reject in advance the positions that the invader has used until now to corrupt our public men, demoralize the country and submit it to its systematic exploitation. We offer to the good sons of this land the opportunity to fulfill their duty as patriots. From them we demand nothing less than complete sacrifice. Oath that must be taken when aspiring to join our ranks. Huyke said recently that he fought Albizu admiring and respecting him. I also think that nothing other than admiration and respect can be felt by every just and honest citizen before the men of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico. Now I inquire of the President: -In your judgment, what reasons sustain the ideal of independence? -We will repeat here what we have repeated so many times on other occasions. That neither for moral reasons nor for material reasons, will independence ever be debatable. - Will the Nationalist Party go to the polls? -Yes, madam. The party firmly believes that the electoral route will be effective for the realization of its program and has thus foreseen it in its tactic for more than a year. The events that have recently shaken the Madre Patria Spain, when a regime was overthrown by the electoral route, have come to corroborate the certainty of our procedures. - Will you go alone? -I think it unnecessary to repeat what has already been said. Nationalism has to remain pure to make every Puerto Rican a patriot willing to do anything for the independence of his country. -Tell me about your concept of the candidate. -The nationalist candidate has to be a patriot: that is, be willing to sacrifice everything for the emancipation of his land. Courageous. Upright. And this is the only candidate for whom every good Puerto Rican should vote. Supporting him constitutes effective cooperation for the emancipation of the voter and of his posterity. Among the nationalist women, which, do you think could be pointed out as future candidates? -This is a matter that concerns our convention. There are courageous, intelligent, dedicated Puerto Rican women and perhaps with greater willingness to sacrifice than men to assume the elevated mission of representing the emancipation movement in any place and in any circumstance. I now ask several questions that the president of the Nationalist Party does not answer. He tells me that it is his party that would have to answer them. It is not possible to make Mr. Albizu speak when he believes that he would compromise his party in any way. I also admire that other manifestation so necessary to a man who represents a sector of opinion. We move to another point. I ask: -Do you have faith in the intervention of women? -Women have shaken off their slumber. Creator of nationality, she has to have more zeal than man for the conservation of the Patria in the fullness of its right to be free, and she has to be an enemy of every individual or regime that intends to restrict the plenary development of the opportunities that her children should enjoy. Her lineage has to be the owner without exotic obstacles of the destinies of the Patria. The woman when she deposits her vote in the ballot box will have to meditate and resolve to fix by that act the freedom or the slavery of her children. The dilemma will not exist for her. Her vote will determine the immediate emancipation of Puerto Rico. We talk about a total renovation of the country. Mr. Albizu tells me: -Integral nationalism has to make a strong, cultured, wise and powerful Patria. It is inspired for that elevated purpose in the spiritual sources of our nationality. It is our dogma that each Puerto Rican is a physical, moral, intellectual and spiritual fortress. -Do you believe that our youth is being educated for that? -Our public instruction system is condemned by locals and strangers who denaturalize, brutalize and demoralize our youth so that they serve as an instrument to the invaders in their policy to destroy Puerto Rico. -Of the teaching in English, what do you tell me? -In our recent conference at the University we analyzed the barbarity of imposing teaching in the language of the invaders, something condemned by all the pedagogues of the world. Some daring elements paid by the occupying power are the only ones who dare to give some explanation to this gross attack against the psychic life of our country. The president of the Nationalist Party has finished. When saying goodbye, I say to him: -I suppose that the nationalists will attend the assembly on Saturday. Mr. Albizu answers. -Many will go in their individual character, but the party will not send any commission. We have not received any invitation until now for said act. I shake with rejoicing the hand of the man who with admirable courage and nobility has taken charge of the defense of the ideal of the independence of my Patria. June 1931. By Angela Negrón Muñoz “IT IS A SCOFF AT THE FREEDOM OF THOUGHT TO PRETEND IN ITS NAME THAT THE USE OF THE WORD BE TOLERATED TO THOSE WHO WORK AGAINST OUR HAPPINESS” SAYS ALBIZU CAMPOS To the chords of the Borinqueña, the valiant champion of the Puerto Rican cause, don Pedro Albizu Campos, advanced to the proscenium receiving an enthusiastic ovation of greeting. The eminent tribune censured claustrally the inconsistent actions of the directors that the country has had, the duplicity and disorientation of the consigned formulas and the profanations to the word “Patria” committed in its sacred name, which the Nationalist Party is not willing to consent and will not consent any more. He maintained that although he congratulates the unionists for the new pro-independence orientation of their program, it is essential that they make it good with their actions, the primordial one being the resignation from public positions not derived from popular election because they are a source of political prostitution and their acceptance a profanation of the ideal. You cannot be with God and the devil. To also define themselves in the actions, He said that the regime, due to its exploitative purpose, does not adequately address the true needs of the people, such as public health and welfare. That countless Puerto Rican doctors, with selfish aims, live attached to that department whose work is practically null. If the health department were concerned with the health of the people, the canned meats that are sold would be confiscated if they were not sold within the period necessary for good preservation. He emphasized that the main eulogists of the regime are salaried by it, which explains their devotion to the government.
invader, and that they not only personally perceive checks but have numerous relatives placed in the Government, with their annual incomes being fabulous. That it is foolish and stupid to pretend that the country has tolerance for that spectacle. He denied Santiago Iglesias Pantin the authority to intervene in national politics because he is a foreigner and even less so with the perverse and selfish aims he has. Foreigners can only intervene in the national life of a foreign country with noble aims as did Kosciusko, Palaski, Lafayette, Rochambeau, Lord Byron and others whose names humanity venerates. But they must be rejected energetically when they are enemies of the Homeland, and it is therefore a mockery of the freedom of thought to pretend in its name that the use of the word be tolerated by those who labor against our happiness. He then addressed the economic problems. It is ridiculous to say that if we were independent we would lose the North American market, since the vast majority of commerce here is North American and it is they and not us who benefit from the market of our country… It is no less ridiculous to ask with what we would sustain ourselves independent. Currently no one sustains us, but ourselves. The Yankee does not put a cent in here that he does not take out with substantial profits. We pay the budget. With the control of our tariffs, we could sustain a budget of no less than $20,000,000, in addition to the benefits that the free competition of all nations in our market would bring, which would lower the present high cost of living. He gave the alert to the sugarcane growers of the great crisis that threatens that industry, as the United States are rapidly becoming a nation producing and exporting sugar and their competition would ruin the sugar producers here. Finally, he entered the terrain of international law and explained how the Partido Nacionalista, once in possession of the votes of the majority, will constitute the Republic and through its diplomatic service will ask the whole world and the United States for its recognition as a sovereign Republic. That if the United States deny it, we will take them to an international tribunal, where, in accordance with the jurisprudence established in the case of Finland against the empire of the Tsars of Russia, our right will triumph. Before the dilemma of recognizing our Republic or shooting our constituent convention and assassinating this people, said the speaker- the United States will have no other recourse than to fall on the side of democracy, justice and freedom that it so much proclaims or face the terrible and fatal consequences of its outrage if they have the audacity to commit it. We will be, then, free, if we determine to be so. Tremendous ovation greeted the final words of the speaker and eminent personalities of Guayama went up to the stage to ardently congratulate don Pedro. His brilliant oratory has promoted in Guayama excellent impressions heralding the triumph of the emancipatory cause of Puerto Rico”. PROCLAMATION OF THE PARTIDO NACIONALISTA ON THE OCCASION OF SEPTEMBER 23. PILGRIMAGE TO LARES. PROCLAMATION OF THE PARTIDO NACIONALISTA ON THE OCCASION OF SEPTEMBER 23, DAY OF THE HEROES AND MARTYRS OF INDEPENDENCE. SECOND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Within a few days will be fulfilled the sixty-third anniversary of the maximum feat of the national annals in which the national sentiment of independence was translated into facts and the Puerto Rican people from the heroic mountains of Lares, inscribed among the decorous dates of the orb September 23. The emancipatory movement of Puerto Rico, which today embodies the Partido Nacionalista is not a romantic movement; philosophical and juridical ideas serve as sublime props, but it has its authentic ancestry in an epic day baptized with blood and is cemented in the categorical devotion of the good sons of this land for the cause of the unpostponable restoration of the republic. History attests that the independence of Puerto Rico, like all the redemptive ideals of humanity, has its heroes and its martyrs and nothing will purify the collective conscience so much as the meditation on that immaculate sacrifice, which has been and will always be above all profanations, in the very immortal scenario of its glorious apotheosis. The Partido Nacionalista will therefore again sponsor this year the patriotic national pilgrimage to the sacred land of Lares which is the august tabernacle of the Homeland. Our Partido is the same as last year by reason of the purity and the integrity of its ideology, invariable and immutable as the truth, but today it presents itself crowned by success, in the summits, not of colonial power that it despises, but of the love and of the recognition and of the respect of own and strangers, which is the only thing that interests it. Even the ambient ideas of the current world favor us. The growth of international consciousness is increasingly elevating to the plane of law the relations between the States that traditionally were resolved by force. The absolute freedom of the powers is seen increasingly curtailed when it violates the rights of other States. The peoples already, along with the individuals, have reached the right to the recognition of their juridical personality. The slavery of the countries yields before the concept of the family of the nations. Already the mere name of “colony” is reprehensible, and Puerto Rico demands its entry into the society of the nations. We must always keep in mind, however, that the victory for the cause of independence depends exclusively on the national will that reaches the sacrifice to impose justice and right. Let the entire Puerto Rican nation attend the second national assembly that will be held in Lares next September 23 to render a tribute of honor and gratitude and at the same time of solidarity and redress to the leaders of ‘68, who lit in Puerto Rico, before the Cubans in Yara, the holy fire of the freedom of the Homeland, making flash in our sky the splendor of the sword of Bolívar. Given in the city of San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico on the 15th day of September of 1931, year 63 of the proclamation of the republic. The National Board, Partido Nacionalista of Puerto Rico. P. Albizu Campos, President Manuel Rivera Matos, General Secretary THE ACTS CELEBRATED BY THE PARTIDO NACIONALISTA IN THE CITY OF LARES ON THE TWENTY-THIRD DAY OF SEPTEMBER CURRENT ALBIZU CAMPOS SPEAKS When the President of the Partido Nacionalista was announced to speak, the music played La Borinqueña while the public standing paid delirious applause that lasted for several minutes. “The human tendency is to be parasitic. Only a spiritual conception of life elevates us to the offering of what we possess for a just cause. Our people in their moral decadence are a parasitic people. But this apotheosis is not a parasitic act. We do not come here to raise a myth, nor to live a past glory. It is very easy to speak of the glories of others, but that does not make the one who speaks glorious. We come here as an act of consecration to the principles that informed the men of ‘68. “We love and adore the Homeland as a goddess. The last particle of our soil is sacred and we will not allow strange hands to profane it. But higher than that cult is the cult of our progenitors and we will not allow strange hands to profane it. They represent the symbolism of the life we possess and of our greatness before Eternity. Peoples who do not know their progenitors, are buried peoples, are dead peoples. We, in remembering their memory today, are unworthy successors of their memory. Peoples are ungrateful because men are ungrateful; thus our people do not know the descendants of those great men. And we have to honor their memory in their own flesh”. The speaker then went on to make an analysis on the transcendence of personality. “The problem of Puerto Rico”, he said, “is the problem of its personality. There is no responsibility where there is no exercise of powers. A people governed by a foreign power is an irresponsible people”. He said that Puerto Rico was in the conditions of a madman who has no personality before the law for being an irresponsible entity and a guardian is put in place to administer his assets. “The empire says to the colony: “I exercise the power because you are an