Here is the English translation:
Comes your letter of adhesion to our party published recently in “La Correspondencia”. You have true orientation. Your letter rejects that wave of submission. You leave behind Unionist liberalism. We salute, with enthusiasm, when that effort of renovation began. We long that the day arrive when all political parties consign in their program as sole longing the Independence of their Homeland. How not to rejoice that that party shield itself to the exclusive ideal of Independence and prepare to adopt the Nationalist tactic of immediate action against the usurpers of our right to the life of Free Nation? But we have seen, as you, that a tremendous defeat is all that awaits that Unionist youth. It is certain that some prominent directors offer their adhesion, but the majority of the influential are decisively against it. There are those who hasten to show solidarity in these very moments with the most unconditional existing. Faced with the supreme right of Independence, one hears, at this stage, the refrain of autonomy. Is an autonomous regime possible under the flag of United States? Its constitution ignores such a political solution. Either Puerto Rico opts for its inalienable right to Independence or it voluntarily extinguishes itself in a Yankee province, “state”, or it will indefinitely suffer the present territorial regime of absolute irresponsibility before the governed. No autonomous regime can be compared with Independence, but there are those who still accept in advance and voluntarily, the restrictions that are only tolerated when force imposes them. There is no Nationalism outside of the Nationalist Party. To its ranks those who love the Independence of the Homeland! Let us pressure the enemies of our liberation to form their annexationist bloc so that they alone bear the historical responsibility of having done everything in their power to end the personality of their own country, and thus ingratiate themselves with an invader who, while using them, feels profound contempt for them,
Yours in the cause,
Pedro ALBIZU CAMPOS.
THE JUDICIARY AND ANNEXATIONISM³¹ By Pedro Albizu Campos To the general censure against his speech of July Fourth, Mr. Emilio del Toro Cuevas, ratifies himself in his annexationist political creed, and reaffirms his intention not to resign his position as Judge before intervening in political contests. That is the synthesis of his latest speech delivered at the Ateneo. And this is a challenge to the sensible opinion of the country. We congratulate him for his courage in undressing a situation understood only by a limited number of people. The Judiciary in every Government is the watchdog of the regime, be it liberal or reactionary, responsible or irresponsible to those subject to its direction. Puerto Rico suffers an absolutely irresponsible regime. The legislative initiative, in addition to being restricted, beforehand, must face the irrevocable veto of the exotic power; and, if its initiatives come to become laws, these can be amended or totally revoked at any time by the Congress of United States, the executive is openly the invader in person; the Judiciary has hints of criollism in its composition, and, among the courts there is one that is called the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, name that implies judicial sovereignty, but the legal reality is another. It is not a court of Puerto Rico, because it is the president of United States of America, who, with the advice and consent of the Senate of that country, appoints its judges, but as Puerto Ricans are obliged to pay the expenses of the government that has been imposed on us, the budget of said court including the salaries of its judges, has to be covered by our treasury. Nor is it supreme in anything, because its judgments are subject to reconsideration on appeal before two superior foreign courts, that is, before the Circuit Court of Boston and the Supreme Court of United States of America. In short, it is a North American territorial court imposed on our country by the power that holds its sovereignty. The Judiciary, in an irresponsible system of government, has to be extremely careful in its defense of the high policy of the regime. It cannot allow any precedent to be set that undermines the status quo. And this is more delicate where the invader intends the definitive annexation of the country dominated by force as happens in Puerto Rico.
Also, as part of the high policy to follow, it has to take into account, very seriously, despite the invading force that may support it, the opinion of the subjected nation, which cannot lose faith in the administration of justice.
We understand that it is difficult for a Puerto Rican to hold a position in the judiciary if he meditates on the responsibility he incurs when accepting the position.
Terrible dilemma assaults him; how to unconditionally support the regime and at the same time be loyal to his homeland of origin.
For that reason, those compatriots who have not communed with the plan of North American absorption and who have wished to see their country free from foreign interventions, have resigned their judicial positions to dedicate themselves to defending the cause of Independence; likewise, many annexationists in the same situation, have submitted their resignation before launching themselves to preach statehood, thus respecting the opinion of the country, which expects of its citizens, that, given the difficulty of administering justice in an irresponsible regime, obstacles should not be created for the exercise of that ministry by the political propaganda of judges or judicial officials during the exercise of their positions.
This principle has been imposed and no transgressor has escaped public disapproval for his ill-considered action contrary to it.
In general, the judiciary that this imperial regime has imposed on us has adhered to this principle of elevated ethics despite the serious official pressure that has been exerted on it.
This public recognition we all owe, despite the absurd and unpatriotic actions of some judges and judicial officials.
We esteemed Mr. Emilio Del Toro as a man of sufficient equanimity and character, who, despite his annexationist ideas, would never be the person who would intend to break with this severe norm.
But, to the general reprimand for his unfortunate speech of July Fourth, he has answered with a challenge full of pride to the Puerto Rican nation.
Here are his words: “My judicial positions have not been nor will be obstacles to expound my ideas.”
He awaits with fervor “the complete freedom that we will enjoy in no distant day, when the star of Borinquen shines resplendent in the American constellation as the symbol of one more state in the bosom of the union”.
It is impossible to surpass this song to annexation.
For better or worse, it is admitted in his last speech, rectifying his words of July Fourth that “the current freedom that we enjoy is limited.”
Very limited indeed, Mr. del Toro.
It is not freedom, it is imperial tolerance.
But immediately afterwards, he intends to justify, nothing less than the intention of the current regime, alleging that it must be magnificent because the remedy of habeas corpus has been implanted here and schools are maintained.
Let us consider this assertion with coldness. The school, is established equally to construct as to destroy. That is the reason for the grave conflict between the different schools, historical and contemporary conflict. The empires in all times and in all places plant and sow schools to disorient, first, and then demolish the nationalities subject to their force. That is our case. The remedy of habeas corpus, like every other remedy or disposition of the will that prevails in this country, is revocable at any moment if the Congress of United States so pleases and can be suspended by the Governor of the colony or the President of United States, without even consulting the people of Puerto Rico. What kind of collective guarantee does that constitute? Now then, Mr. del Toro prepares, to judge by his own words and without the slightest concern to continue his annexationist propaganda from his judge’s chair. Nationalism takes up his challenge. It will not take a step without stumbling upon the most serious opposition to his disastrous trajectory for the country. Where does Mr. del Toro intend to take the judiciary with his example? He owes an answer to the homeland where he was born, although it, for now, is unarmed to demand responsibilities from him.
HEAD-ON TO THE STRUGGLE. NATIONALISM IS IMMEDIATE ACTION³²
San Juan de Puerto Rico July 26, 1930
Lcdo. Luis Vergne Ortiz, San Juan de Puerto Rico.
My dear friend:
An orientation! Clamor the politicians of conventionalism. For what an orientation? To triumph in the elections? That sole purpose is pursued. For the patriot there are no doubts nor hesitations. The orientation? To Independence! Without compromising with submission. Without tolerating the negation of the Homeland. Nothing is more intolerant than the truth! Nothing more intolerable than the negation of the homeland personality. Its negation entails all its ills: collapse of its culture; foreign political tutelage and by force; economic exploitation and misery. Intransigence before the pretensions of an exotic power, that grips us. Intransigence before the native henchmen who traffic with their own personality. They would accept slavery willingly if it kept them fat. You are one of the “crazies” for the Ideal of Independence! That decisive determination of character is required to redeem Puerto Rico. It entails the spirit of heroic sacrifice. We owe ourselves to ourselves but also to posterity. Let us lift our people from that miserable condition of beggar to which its exploiters have reduced it. Head-on to the struggle: Nationalism is immediate action. It neither tolerates nor compromises with the domination of a foreign power.
Yours in the Cause, P. ALBIZU CAMPOS
PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE³³
THE NEW NORTH AMERICAN TARIFF I To place its merchandise in Puerto Rico, the Department of Commerce of United States maintains its own office in this capital. In each important city of that country an office is maintained by the same Department, but with a entirely different purpose: it is to teach the merchants and North American industrialists how to sell their merchandise in foreign nations. The office existing in San Juan has never dedicated itself to illustrating our languishing commerce, already almost bankrupt due to the North American competition, how it can intervene in the international competition in the placement of products of Puerto Rico. For the Department of Commerce of United States, Puerto Rico is a foreign nation. This office supplies the necessary data to North American commerce to destroy our own commerce and international competition. Not long ago the head of this office declared publicly that 90 percent of the foreign commerce of Puerto Rico was with United States and 10 percent with other foreign nations; and that this 10 percent had to be eliminated so that the foreign commerce of Puerto Rico would be exclusively with United States. We all know the difficulties that the importer of merchandise not originating from United States encounters. The procedures are increasingly more difficult. When it is not the Department of Agriculture or the Department of Health that renders the merchandise useless, any unexpected requirement is demanded, but there comes the consequent delay in the delivery, to the grave detriment of the importer and, the latter, gradually has to resort to the North American market to supply the needs of the national demand. And all this despite the North American tariff ruling in Puerto Rico. But that 10 percent of foreign commerce that desires
to absorb United States as well, has not been able to be eliminated and now the new tariff has been approved that heavily taxes almost all foreign merchandise of non-North American origin and necessary for our consumption. The first effect of the new tariff law imposed on us has been to raise the price of that merchandise by the difference resulting between the rates of the old and the new tariff.
Of course, hindered the import of non- North American origin, by this insurmountable barrier, and with all the customs administrative machine to contain any possible entry of non-Yankee origin, the desire of United States will soon be satisfied of having absorbed 100 percent of our foreign commerce. This is the effect of free cabotage. Anyone would believe that Puerto Rico would have to derive some benefit. Everything happens the opposite. The commerce and the industry of United States have an absolute monopoly of the market of Puerto Rico. Monopoly that exists by virtue of the tariff law imposed on the country, and also, because the Puerto Rican nation lacks powers to defend itself from it. The political power of United States is used in our land to monopolize our wealth be it agrarian, industrial or commercial. The result is the following: the North American seller imposes special price for Puerto Rico, which is almost always 10 percent, 15 percent and up to 20 percent at times, higher than the one that rules for the same merchandise in United States, and up to twice as high than the one established for that merchandise destined to other nations. By that sole concept, Puerto Rico pays an annual tribute to United States whose average does not fall below $10,000.00, without taking into account that the merchandise that is launched on the market of Puerto Rico is of second or third class, that is, junk. A notable architect called our attention to the fact that in Puerto Rico one could not build a building without ordering the materials directly from United States, because from there merchandise of first class does not come to our commerce. Puerto Rico is considered what is called in the North American commercial jargon junk market, that is, junk market.
If we take into account that 50 percent of that merchandise would not be available in United States nor in any foreign market, and considering that our importation rarely descends to $80,000,000 can be seen clearly the fabulous gain and exploitation that the invading nation derives from our commerce. This is the high tribute that we pay for its military occupation. There has been talk by those who do not know the tariff issues about the benefits that Puerto Rico can acquire when placing its own products in the North American market. And, let us talk about sugar. Four large North American sugar centrals possess more than half of the most fertile lands of the country. The benefits that from sugar could be derived are almost totally for the North American capital. The money that that represents never arrives to Puerto Rico.
The gains of these companies are extraordinary because in addition to the tariff bonus that they enjoy they have the privilege of paying to the treasury those amounts that suit them. The public power has never dared to intervene even to determine the real properties that they possess, and the ones that they declare are valued at their pleasure, and they are charged the contributions that they want to pay because the Attorney General or the Treasurer of the Colony have never dared to press them by way of auction in public auction. At this hour no one knows the millions and millions that these companies owe to the treasury.
As for the colonos, if the price of sugar is low, of course they are ruined; and if the price of sugar is high, they find that the amount of sucrose in the juice of the cane of their farms has decreased as a result of an unknown miracle. To avoid this fraud against the colonos, the legislature of the colony came up with the idea of appointing a chemist without assistants to inspect all the laboratories of these octopuses! We already know what this poor man will do! There are some native interests and of non-North American nationality that possess properties dedicated to the cultivation of cane and factories for the elaboration of sugar. These benefit from free cabotage. They constitute, however, a small minority attacked by the treasury constantly and besieged by the North American sugar or banking octopuses that fight to keep their farms. The struggle, evidently, is very unequal. It is unnecessary to speak of its consequences.
But this group represents the native and non- North American interests more disoriented as to the goodness of free cabotage. They oppose tenaciously a change of political situation, be it the constitution of the Republic or the conversion of Puerto Rico into a North American province, “state”, because any of these political solutions would end the irresponsible regime prevailing, and they unite with the invading interests, under attractive little flags like autonomy to maintain the status quo.
Those are the interests that dominate all the political parties of Puerto Rico, with the exception of the Nationalist Party. As for tobacco, everyone knows that the greater part of the capital invested in that wealth is North American. There remain some native landowners, but the North American buyers maintain a perpetual conspiracy against them to fix the price of their product. Thus the value of a quintal of tobacco in the hands of a Puerto Rican producer is less than the amount that that quintal pays to customs for import duties. That is to say, that the product in our hands is worth nothing.
And if to this we add that our tobacconists and other native landowners have fallen into the clutches of the Federal Agricultural Bank that today threatens them with executing their farms immediately because they cannot pay the interest and amortization capital due to the crisis created by this system of exploitation during thirty years,
the country will see clearly that the native interests will have to submit unconditionally to the conditions that the Yankee buyer imposes on them. The fruit industry is in similar conditions. 60 percent of the capital invested is North American: it is the invaders who benefit from the tariff. The most important industry of the country after sugar is currently the works of fabrics and hand-made seams. The capital, in its greater part, is also North American, sole beneficiary of free cabotage. It is our women who are exploited by that industry. In honor of the Colonial Legislature it must be said that it approved a minimum wage law, that benefited, directly, all the workers, men and women, but the Supreme Court of United States declared it null for being unconstitutional. Our working women like the men are subject to the same vile exploitation of this invading capital, without there being any political power to counteract that exploitation. That is to say, that, not even by concept of salary, does Puerto Rico derive, any benefit from free cabotage. Our working mass is another great mine that the Yankee has found in his path. The so-called Socialist Party of the country, has never dealt with this problem, whose solution depends on the political status, but instead of defending the working masses has made itself openly in solidarity with the colonial regime, preaching and defending the “permanent solidarity” between Puerto Rico and United States. As this needle industry has not been able to concentrate in few hands yet, some Puerto Ricans benefit from free cabotage. How to annul them?, is the question that the Government of the colony has formulated. With the apparently laudable purpose of fixing the identification of the Puerto Rican products in United States, the colonial government has had a factory brand law approved. Every native product will have to carry the brand that the government designates so that its origin cannot be doubted, and that origin is established only by that brand. We see here the centralization in Yankee hands of this industry. This measure in the hands of a government of good faith would serve to raise our industry, but in the hands of a government of bad faith like the one existing in Puerto Rico, the official guarantee will be denied to whoever is not agreeable to that government or to the interests that that government wants to impose in our country. It is clear that, when United States absorbs all our foreign commerce, the imports from other foreign nations will cease and the customs entries that today amount to the respectable sum of almost three million dollars will totally disappear. To the autonomists of good faith we call attention to this consequence of free cabotage between United States and Puerto Rico, that would bring, as a consequence, the loss of important fiscal entries, as it would result if Puerto Rico were annexed as
North American province, “state”, thus suffering all the damages of that political status, without any of the benefits that, constitutionally accompany it.
In our next article we will analyze the purposes that inform the law creating the Office of Industry and Commerce.
In summary, with free cabotage, and a tariff that excludes all foreign competition, our agrarian, industrial and commercial wealth is at the mercy of the strongest economic power in the world, which, in addition to its intrinsic financial strength, has retained in its hands all the political powers in our country, that, will continue unarmed to this invasion unless there is a reaction of intense nationalism that can curb it.
TARIFF AUTONOMY
1
The dominant interests, in their majority North American, oppose the definition of the political status of the country and defend by all means the system of irresponsible government that prevails, alleging various pretexts, but in the background the opposition of this invisible power is reduced to reasons of economic character. If the country is melted into a North American province, “state”, ceases the absolute dominion that they have today of the colonial organisms and officials. The North American province “state”, would have legal power, in abstract legal theory to suppress absenteeism and latifundismo, and could end the abuse of imposing the fiscal burden on the natives and small proprietors, to oblige them to sell their farms or cede their businesses to invading North American interests, that enjoy the privilege of paying to the treasury what suits them and when it suits them. We assume that that power is abstract because we know the strength of the North American plutocracy and how it exploits its own fellow citizens on the continent. He who wants to see pictures of misery to transfer to New York, to Boston or to any other North American city. Our working class can expect nothing from the “state”, that is not the continuation of the present exploitation. The political difficulties to extinguish Puerto Rico in North American province “state”, are insurmountable, both from the North American point of view as from ours. We are not interested in what the North Americans opine about the solution “state”. It is their privilege to determine who can form part of the Yankee family. As for us, suffice it to say that the Puerto Ricans are not willing to renounce our inalienable right to constitute ourselves into a free Homeland, at any time nor for any reason. To melt our nationality in the North American unity, be this latter, good or bad, is not something that can be seriously considered by those who have a clear concept of what nationality is. Its existence defines our spiritual life oriented spontaneously towards the superior civilization to which we belong, and is the only guarantee of the material well-being of our people. Only our Republic can feel the homeland necessities, and remedy them with the superior interest of making itself worthy of occupying a position of vanguard in contemporary civilization. These interests know well the impossibility of the conversion of our homeland into North American province, “state”. They oppose the propaganda that leads to that anticipating the possible evil of losing the monopoly of the prevailing political and material power, because every discussion of the political status necessarily leads to laying bare the existing privileges and outrages, and that is to take sleep from those who enrich themselves on the basis of the systematic exploitation of our natural and human wealth. However arrogant a monopoly may feel, even if backed by the North American force that currently guarantees the exploitation of our homeland, it loses all tranquility upon receiving the blow of analytical criticism, especially when the system that protects it has almost placed it in possession of the totality of Puerto Rican wealth.
And that analysis is inevitable when discussing the political status. It is significant that the directors of the pro-North American province, “state” movement, have launched themselves to discredit their own program, propagating the false affirmation that the “state” province could not be sustained economically, appealing to the sordidness of those who have something to lose.
Of course, Nationalism repudiates this political solution that it considers suicidal, but sheltered always in the truth, it cannot fail to reject an argument without any basis whatsoever, and that serves only to increase the disorientation that would render the country incapable of escaping the irresponsible colonialism, which is the true purpose pursued by those who launch such a notion.
It is to be expected that those dominant interests will combat National Independence. In this case the intention to maintain the colonial regime becomes absolutely manifest.
The country from which they extract enormous wealth annually they present as poor and worthy of North American charity, which, let it be said in passing, has never landed on our soil. It appears entangled with no possibility of redeeming itself. The intent is to make it depend economically exclusively on the North American market, and as a corollary, they point out that free cabotage would cease upon imposing its own tariffs, thereby provoking North American reciprocity, which would determine the ruin of the country.
We have accused the colonial government of tolerating the concealment of assets in the possession of the large North American companies, of taxing their property at low rates, and of allowing them to pay the contributions they wish and when it is convenient for their interests.
The proportion between the volume of commerce of a country and the total value of its property varies very little from nation to nation. The total foreign trade of the United States, exports and imports, amounts to the global sum of ten billion dollars and the total property amounts to three hundred and eighty billion dollars. The proportion is one to thirty-eight (1:38). The foreign trade of Puerto Rico gives a total of one hundred and seventy-five million and the taxable value of property amounts to only some three hundred and fifty million. The proportion of one to two (1:2) — and at times it has risen to two to three!