Roosevelt repeated to the same degree the terrible blow suffered by the Puerto Rican national wealth, when the exchange of its gold and silver currency for Yankee paper was imposed upon the nation, and at a forty percent discount. It has not occurred to Roosevelt how to raise the price of coffee or tobacco, which is largely Puerto Rican wealth. By imposing a half-cent tax on each pound of these products consumed in the United States, a respectable fund would be raised for immediate aid to farmers. But Mr. Roosevelt did not forget to impose the tax on cotton or fiber articles that compete with cotton to subsidize the Yankee farmer dedicated to planting cotton. Nor did he fail to impose the tax on wheat flour to raise funds for the benefit of American wheat producers. These taxes constitute a burden on the Puerto Rican consumer amounting to some 15 million dollars annually for the benefit of the Yankee farmer, Mr. Roosevelt has refused to return the proceeds of these taxes for the benefit of the Puerto Rican farmer, currently ruined. There are some of the salient acts of Mr. Roosevelt in Puerto Rico. Gentlemen leaders of the Coalition and gentlemen liberal leaders, colonial policy also imposes responsibilities. Submission, which is the most formal annulment of law, does not confer powers. He who abides by the will of foreign despotism has no right to speak in the name of the Homeland. P. ALBIZU CAMPOS PROCLAMATION OF THE NATIONALIST PARTY OF PUERTO RICO ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEATH OF THE CUBAN PRO-MAN ENRIQUE JOSE VARONA The illustrious man who has just disappeared in the sister Antilla was not merely a Cuban citizen: he was an Antillean patriot in the fairest sense of the word and, moreover, he was one of the liberators. He was one of the founders of the Revolutionary Junta of Nueva York Pro Independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, collaborating with Martí and Betances in the fruitful work that, in achieving the liberation of his Homeland, left the redemptive work truncated as far as Puerto Rico is concerned, due to incidents whose correction is the honorable inheritance that that generation of patricians bequeathed to us. Tireless educator, he did not rest in his cultural work, preparing a new generation that has already honored Cuba. But his educational work was not limited to culture. He was an example of civism and with his moral courage and the exemplariness of his immaculate life, he was a beacon for Cuban youth, even when it was necessary for him to resist the onslaught of unleashed passions and the threat of overwhelming force, which uselessly crashed against the rock firmness of his citizen virtues. We remember with fervent unction the memorable date of 1927, when the Cuban patrician, before a devout audience gathered in his home, recounted the history of the work of the Revolutionary Junta, recalling the contribution of Puerto Rico to the cause of emancipation not only Cuban, but continental, and reviving at the same time the solemn promise of Cuba to collaborate in the independence of Puerto Rico. That exemplary home was the temple where the cause of freedom was officiated in those solemn days. And at the conjuration of the austere word of the master, the spirit of Antillean solidarity revived as in its best times. Since then, the Cuban pro-man presided over the Cuban National Junta for the Independence of Puerto Rico, founded in the heat of his illustrious spirit until this day that has been of mourning for all the Hispano-American Homelands. The thread of his fruitful life has been cut at painful moments, which are more so due to the unfortunate fact. The current Cuban generation that has amazed the world with its Spartan courage and civism, owes Enrique José Varona these high qualities, which he instilled in their breasts with the example of his austere and courageous life. That virile generation gathered from his lips lessons of civility that have already borne fruit. The Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico claims its part in the mourning that afflicts the Cuban nation and with it the Antillean Homelands, common to the twentieth-century liberators and to all those of its children who feel the double pride of the race and the libertarian ideal. And as proof of testimony of Antillean solidarity and in payment of the debt of gratitude contracted with the Cuban patrician, days of national mourning are declared by the National Junta of the Party for the nine days following and including this date, and it is ordered by the same that during that period the flag of the Homeland will remain lowered at half-mast. Given in San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico, on the twenty-first day of the month of November of the Year of Grace of one thousand nine hundred and thirty-three, sixty-fifth of the proclamation of the Republic of Puerto Rico. P. ALBIZU CAMPOS, President José LAMEIRO, General Secretary Pedro Albizu Campos LEGAL GLOSSES THE CASE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST DON LUIS F. VELAZQUEZO By PEDRO ALBIZU CAMPOS The regime of foreign intervention, in order to destroy the nation subject to its empire, has to try to confuse its victims. Respect for the national personality is always simulated, while the millenary foundations of its existence are systematically dynamited. This norm is observed with greater rigor in the judicial sphere. Although intervention is the suppression of law, it seeks to appear legitimate and presents itself as a defender of justice. There is no empire strong enough to ignore the legal foundations that bind men in society to form the nation, nor the legal foundations that govern international relations. The rule of law among men does not cease even in war itself. The mere ignorance of this principle condemns a people, however strong it may seem, to barbarism and finally to ruin, because it must be suppressed as an obstacle among human civilization. The nation conscious of its right to independence, sacrifices everything to achieve it, because that supreme dignity of a society thus demands it, to safeguard the personality of its citizens and their right to life itself. Invasion is a force of substitution to uproot the natives of the invaded country who are to be replaced by invaders. It does not matter how it proceeds, whether slowly or with the speed facilitated by the armaments available to the invader. The power depository of the fundamental policy of a regime is the judicial. It takes care of the detail in the application of the political system in each individual case in which a court has to rule on any issue. It will not be allowed that in any personal case a precedent of opposition against the regime can be established. Quite the opposite must be done. The sentences of the courts constitute the concrete apology of any political regime. The invader, in order to impose himself, creates fratricidal strife among the natives of the intervened nation, to demolish the society they constitute, but cunningly simulates interest in its conservation. Thus, it establishes courts to punish common crimes, murder and robbery, with the entire criminal range that derives from these fundamental criminal sources. Of course, the sanction must always go against the natives of the intervened nation, if the crime were committed by one of the natives against his countryman or against his invader or one of the natives in the service of foreign despotism. In these last two cases the penalty will be terrifying for the simple reason that the penal system under foreign empire is applied exclusively for the purpose of ensuring the life and property of the invaders or their native mandatories who serve as their instrument. Of course, as a general rule, no penalty is applied to any invader for robbery or murder against the natives of the country. The judicial machinery will always be made in such a way that this norm never fails, and can be applied without anyone realizing it. Now, when the offender is a native in the service of the invading policy, he will be used as a sacrificial victim in the exceptional case that it becomes necessary to restore the confidence of the natives of the country in imperial “justice.” Nothing is more pleasing and reassuring to civilized man than to be sure that he will always find protection before a competent court that protects him in his right to life and property. Respect for his own honor is the only thing that man never delegates to a third party, whether in a personal absolute power or in an institution. Therefore, the invader always declares himself a defender of the freedom, life, and property of the natives of the invaded country, and establishes courts that the victims must believe are guarantors of these rights. When the empire is civilized and wise, it tries to assimilate the intervened nation, and tries to ensure that its colonial judiciary is as clean as possible within the policy of absorption. And as there is no prerogative superior to that of imparting justice, it always exercises it in its own name. This tactic in imperial relations is the same applied by internal absolutism for the justification of personal tyranny. When the empire is semi-barbaric, it begins by creating courts that it calls “native” its mandatories, of course. The crude policy that it has to develop requires that it be the natives of the invaded nation who impose it directly so that they bear the public hatred that it may create. This is the case of Puerto Rico under North American intervention. However, for greater clarity, we will expand the exposition. Judicial power is exercised in Puerto Rico in the name of “The People of Puerto Rico”, only in criminal matters. The accused goes to prison by the will of this Yankee creation entity, called, “The People of Puerto Rico”, which exists only to put Puerto Ricans in prison. Great people of Puerto Rico the Yankees have created for us! As that is not enough, there are certain interests so sacred for the invaders that they cannot be touched even by the “native” courts, that is, those that in general involve the international responsibility of the empire, or the cases of imparting justice for the great Yankee corporations. For such a serious matter there is the court called the Federal Court. Before it, the penal sanction is also imposed. The empire presents itself for the only time sincere and brave, and condemns to prison and to death, to exile in North American prisons, in the name of the United States to the Puerto Ricans who do not abide by its will. * It is clear that the insular or native courts do not exist. All are Federal, that is to say imperial, Yankee, created and protected by the North American empire. In civil matters, when it comes to property rights, the justice of the “native” courts is exercised in the name of the head of the Yankee empire, that is, its President. It is logical that this is the case, because a nation enslaved by foreign despotism has no property, cannot exercise authority to resolve any property conflict between its citizens, who are not legally so either if it abides in that order by the imperial will. In summary. The People of Puerto Rico exists within the present regime to ruin Puerto Ricans by virtue of auctions, fines, prison or death, who are its citizens within the system, exclusively to be exterminated by the People of Puerto Rico itself. It is clear that all the existing courts in Puerto Rico are imperial. One of the North American territorial hearings of Puerto Rico has just said so in the case of Don Luis . Velázquez. The opinion and judgment in said case has just seen the public light. It is true that this territorial hearing bears the name of Supreme Court of Puerto Rico, but as in law there is also the obligation to dissolve fictions, we call it North American territorial hearing, one of the two that the Yankee empire has imposed on Puerto Rico, because it is not supreme in anything, nor is it from Puerto Rico. The Supreme Court of Puerto Rico will be created by the Constitution of the * Republic of Puerto Rico. Of course, the sentence appears dictated in the name of the people of Puerto Rico, but as the truth is not that, when putting the title to these glosses, we restore the legal reality. The sentence will read: United States of North America against Don Luis F. Velázquez. The same territorial hearing reveals awareness of this truth when it says these words in its opinion: “As has been indicated, we have been assuming that Puerto Rico can be considered locally as a State. In reality of truth, it is not so. There cannot be a possible fundamental conflict of jurisdiction between The People of the United States and that of Puerto Rico. The United States is sovereign in both cases”. And it proceeds as is required to sustain such a clear affirmation in North American Jurisprudence. The territorial hearing is mistaken in its application. Under military absolutism it is when the authority of the mandatories is delineated with greater rigor. Two colonels under the orders of the same general cannot substitute each other without express prior order in the matters that concern their respective regiments. This is the case of these two territorial hearings. The Federal Court cannot substitute the other territorial hearing, nor the latter to the former. As it is revolutionary to say that the so-called supreme court can supplant the Federal Court, it is gratifying to record the affirmation, even if it is not true. It seems a glimpse of the future. We are only interested that the empire specify the place that its own mandatories should occupy. In another fundamental question we are also in agreement with the territorial hearing. The court says: “The appellant also argues that there was no mens rea; that the aggression committed by the accused was slight and with the mere purpose of demanding, from gentleman to gentleman, satisfaction from the President Judge because of certain statements made by him in a public act; that the accused made the attack in justification of his own political ideas. However, a mere difference of political creed does not justify an attack and aggression. The fact that what the accused did was a challenge does not place him outside the general rule. The Constitution and the laws of the United States as applicable, as well as the laws of Puerto Rico encompass the entire territory under the jurisdiction of Puerto Rico, and the intention (intent) emanates from the act committed and is not affected by the design suggested in this case”. It is true that under the Constitution and the laws of the United States the Code of Honor is not recognized. Where kidnapping, robbery, lynching, fraud on a monopoly scale, constitute constitutional, legal privileges and therefore, outside of penal sanctions, the Code of Honor cannot exist. If a custom is prohibited and its practice is not punished, the custom is above the laws. The observation is correct because the imperial courts will respect the customs of the intervened nation, as long as the application of the doctrine does not harm the imperialist policy. In that case the “native” court necessarily loses all its discretion. NOTES 1. See El Mundo, January 31, 1923, p. 10. 2. Ibid., June 2, 1923, p. 3 and 8. 3. Ponce: Imprenta “El Día”, 1923. Conference given by Lcdo. Pedro Albizu Campos before the Nationalist Association of Ponce on October 12, 1923 in commemoration of Día de la Raza. 4. See El Mundo, March 11, 1924, p. 3 and 4. 5. Ibid., April 26, 1924. The words of Antonio R. Barceló published in La Democracia, on April 23, 1924, were, in part, the following: “Both this formula, and that which refers to the procedure for the designation of candidates, we understand that it is the only one possible to the purpose of the alliance or pact stated in the manifesto; but if someone comes up with another better one, it would be good to know it. I suggest that you open a survey so that everyone who wants to can formulate it”. 6. El Mundo, April 29, 1924, p. 7 and 9. 7. Ibid., May 17, 1924, p. 4. 8. Ibid., January 21, 1926, p. 1 and 8. 9. See the magazine Poliedro, January 8, 1927, central pages. 10. El Mundo, April 17, 1927, p. 1. 11. Congressman MacFadden was the chairman of the “Banking Committee” of the House of Representatives of the United States, who visited Puerto Rico in early 1927. Upon returning to his country he notified President Coolidge that “anti-American sentiment was intensifying in Puerto Rico”, and in turn, he recommended to Coolidge that “special measures be adopted to ensure that the Island remains American”. Ibid., April 7, 1927, p. 6. 12. See the magazine Los Quijotes, June 11, 1927. 13. Pseudonym of Francisco Cerdeira, founder and director of the weekly Los Quijotes. 14. See El Mundo, July 12, 1927, p. 7. 15. Ibid., July 16, 1927, p. 7. 16. Ibid., October 1, 1927, p. 17. 17. Ibid., April 14, 1928, p. 8 and 18. 18. Ibid., February 8, 1930, p. 3 and 5. 19. Ibid., March 19, 1930, p. 6. 20. Ibid., March 21, 1930, p. 6. 21. Ibid., April 11, 1930, p. 6 and 11. 22. Ibid., May 12, 1930, p. 1; 7 and 11. 23. Ibid., May 13, 1930, p. 1 and 6. 24. Ibid., May 14, 1930, p. 1 and 8. Lcdo. José Coll Cuchí was one of the founders of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico on September 17, 1922, and elected first president of the collectivity. Under his leadership the Nationalist Party never managed to consolidate an anti-imperialist ideology. In fact, Lcdo. Coll Cuchí was invited by the North American Democratic National Committee to conduct an intense propaganda campaign among the Spanish-speaking population throughout all the provinces of the United States giving speeches in Spanish in defense of the presidential candidacy of Al Smith. Ibid., October 12, 1928, p. 2. 25. Ibid., May 20, 1930, p. 1 and 4. 26. Ibid., May 23, 1930, p. 1. 27. Ibid., May 24, 1930, p. 1 and 14. 28. Ibid., May 29, 1930, p. 3 and 5. 29. See El Tiempo, May 31, 1930, p. 1. 30. See El Mundo, July 18, 1930. 31. Ibid., July 23, 1930, p. 6 and 11. 32. Ibid., July 28, 1930. 33. These articles were originally published simultaneously in the newspapers El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, El Mundo and El Imparcial, during the years 1930 and 1931. In the year 1970 most of them were compiled by the companions Jorge Nogales and Luis Ortiz and reproduced in a pamphlet with the title: Independencia Económica, under the auspices of the Federation of Student Organizations of the University of Puerto Rico, (FORUM). Later, in 1972, Professor Manuel Maldonado Denis reproduced them again in the anthology: Pedro Albizu Campos: La Conciencia Nacional Puertorriqueña, México: Siglo XXI editores, s.a., 1972. 34. See El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, August 1, 1930, p. 2, 6 and 13; and El Mundo, July 31, 1930, p. 6 and 11. 35. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, August 8, 1930, p. 2 and 13; El Mundo, August 7, 1930, p. 6; and El Imparcial, August 7, 1930. 36. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, August 15, 1930, p. 2 and 14; El Mundo, August 14, 1930, p. 6 and 11; and El Imparcial, August 14, 1930. 37. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, August 22, 1930, p. 2 and 15; El Mundo, August 21, 1930, p. 6 and 8; and El Imparcial, August 21, 1930, p. 4 and 6. 38. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, August 29, 1930, p. 2; El Mundo, August 30, 1930, p. 8 and 17; and El Imparcial, September 2, 1930. 39. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, September 5, 1930, p. 2 and 15; El Mundo, September 6, 1930, p. 8; and El Imparcial, September 8, 1930. 40. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, September 12, 1930, p. 2 and 15; El Mundo, September 13, 1930, p. 6; El Imparcial, September 15, 1930. 41. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, September 20, 1930, p. 3 and 14; El Mundo, September 20, 1930, p. 6. 42. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, September 27, 1930, p. 2 and 15; El Mundo, September 27, 1930, p. 6; El Imparcial, September 29, 1930. 43. See El Mundo, October 4, 1930, p. 7; El Imparcial, October 7, 1930. This article does not appear in the anthology published by FORUM in 1970. 44. El Mundo, October 11, 1930, p. 6; El Imparcial, October 13, 1930. 45. El Mundo, October 18, 1930, p. 6 and 16; El Imparcial, October 21, 1930. 46. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, November 1, 1930, p. 2 and 12; El Mundo, October 29, 1930, p. 6 and 8. 47. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, November 15, 1930, p. 2 and 9; El Mundo, November 8, 1930, p. 6. 48. El Mundo, November 22, 1930, p. 6; El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, December 13, 1930, p. 2. 49. El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, December 13, 1930, p. 2 and 11. 50. El Mundo, December 6, 1930, p. 6 and 15; El Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, December 13, 1930, p. 4. 51. El Mundo, December 13, 1930, p. 6 and 19; El Imparcial, December 13, 1930, p. 7. 52. El Mundo, December 20, 1930, p. 6; El Imparcial, December 20, 1930, p. 4 and 6. 53. El Mundo, January 10, 1931, p. 6 and 16. 54. Ibid., August 11, 1930, p. 3 and 13. 55. Ibid., September 17, 1930, p. 5. In 1967, the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico reproduced the proclamations issued by Albizu Campos and the National Junta of the Nationalist Party during the years 1930 to 1935, in a pamphlet with the title of: Lares: Seis Proclamas del Nacionalismo 1930-1935. Don Juan Antonio Corretjer wrote the introduction to the pamphlet, and, among other things, pointed out the following: “On September 23, 1930, the first patriotic pilgrimage to Lares was carried out, originating in the National Junta at the intervention of Pedro Albizu Campos and organized by the National Junta and the Nationalist Municipal Junta of Lares. As Administrative Secretary of the Party, I had the honor of participating as an agent of the supreme direction, in collaboration with Lcdo. Obdulio Bauzá González, member of the National Junta for the District of Arecibo and the unforgettable companion Angel Santiago López, president of the Municipal Junta of Lares, in the organization of the same. And even to sign the first Proclamation with which the Nation was called to the patriotic pilgrimage. I say sign because Albizu Campos wrote the Proclamation. For that reason (and for having participated in the here the declarations of Antonio R. Barceló published in El Mundo on June 23, 1933, where Barceló among other things pointed out the following: “Although I have the best personal disposition towards Mr. Albizu Campos, whom I highly esteem, I confess that I avoid discussing
publicly with him, as the martial, armed, and bellicose terrain in which the distinguished nationalist leader places all issues does not suit my peaceful and civil temperament. Nevertheless, I shall endeavor not to ignore this time the vigorous bayonet charge that Mr. Albizu launches against the liberals in his declarations inserted in El Mundo of yesterday, in which, among other accusations of lesser importance, he denounces what he calls the inconsistency of the Liberal Party with its postulates of independence and freedom, because this patriotic group, with more than enough reasons for jubilation, celebrates as a triumph of public morality, justice, and decency the veto of the President of the United States to that electoral bill approved by a Puerto Rican legislature.” 85. Ibid., July 11, 1933, p. 1 and 4. 86. Ibid., September 22, 1933, p. 1 and 11. 87. Ibid., October 2, 1933, p. 2 and 4. 88. Ibid., October 18, 1933, p. 2 and 10. 89. Ibid., November 22, 1933, p. 1 and 3. 90. Ibid., December 23, 1933, p. 2 and 5. CONTENTS Introduction 5 Chronology of Pedro Albizu Campos 8 Important political act 12 The federal state for Puerto Rico is not acceptable because it will destroy our collective personality 14 Conference: Joint Resolution Number 2 16 Interview with Lcdo. Pedro Albizu Campos 23 Lcdo. Albizu Campos, responding to Mr. Barceló’s idea, submits to the country’s consideration a new plan for the formation of the “Puerto Rican Alliance” 25 In Puerto Rico, a plan is proposed for the annexation of that country together with Cuba and Haiti to the United States 28 The dissolution of the Unionist Party and Puerto Rican Nationalism 29 The passive Revolution advised to the commerce of Ponce, Lcdo. Albizu Campos launches the idea 32 Our interviews: Pedro Albizu Campos 34 “MacFadden is the only congressman who has penetrated the conscience of this people. We are anti-American because we have to fight a government that only serves to extract the riches of our land”: Albizu Campos 38 Confidential interviews: Pedro Albizu Campos 40 “The great majority of Puerto Rico feels repulsion and rebellion against Yankee colonialism” 49 “In order to be heard, Puerto Rico has to present a serious crisis to the colonial administration” 52 Aizu Campos spent some hours in ruerto Principe, Haiti 56 Extensive details on the performance of Albizu Campos at the Seventh International Congress of the Latin Press 58 Talking with Albizu Campos 64 “Here it will be elucidated what are the plans and attitude of the United States towards the peoples of our Race” 72 The conference of Albizu Campos at the University 75 “The supporters of statehood do not dare to ask for it because they know they would be hit in the head with the columns of the Capitol,” said Albizu Campos 77 The Nationalist General Assembly of yesterday: Albizu Campos speaks…… 82 Lcdo. Pedro Albizu Campos was elected president of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico 85 What the president of the Nationalist Party answers to the manifestations of don José Coll Cuchí 89 Feminism and the independence of the Homeland 91 The Nationalist Party will only accept those positions that depend on the sovereignty of our people 94 The liberating woman 96 Comments of the president of the Nationalist Party on the margin of the Report rendered by the Brookings Institute 98 Letter to Lcdo. Eugenio Font Suárez 104 “There is no nationalism outside the Nationalist Party” 105 The Judiciary and annexationism 107 “Facing the fight. Nationalism is immediate action” 110 Economic Independence I. The new North American tariff 111 II. Tariff autonomy 116 III. Autonomy destroys free cabotage 119 IV. Autonomy is not possible within the North American constitutional regime 122 V. The protectorate is an aggression 127 VI. Defense of the protectorate against the aggression of the empire 134 VII. Nationalization of foreign wealth 139 “If we are not heard, we will then resort to arms” 166 A proclamation of the National Board of the Nationalist Party on the occasion of the 63rd anniversary of the rebellion of Lares this month 169 Letter to Mr. Luis Venegas Cortés……… 171 The civic act of the day before yesterday in Lares 172 The nationalist act of Sunday in Ponce. The speech given by Lcdo. P. Albizu Campos 174 A nationalist assembly was held in Salinas. Among other speakers was the president of the Party, Mr. Albizu Campos…………. 176 Homage to Mr. Albizu Campos and Sellés Sola, Speech by Albizu Campos 178 “San Germán is currently the most servile town in Puerto Rico,” said Albizu Campos there at a nationalist rally 182 The nationalist rally held in Mayagüez. Declarations of the Head of the Party, Mr. Albizu Campos 184 The conference of Albizu Campos at the University on public instruction. Thesis that he developed 187 Manifesto addressed to the people of Puerto Rico by the National Board of the Nationalist Party on the margin of the political moment.. 191 Talking with the president of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico 197 “It is a mockery of freedom of thought to pretend in its name that those who work against our happiness should be tolerated in the use of the word,” says Albizu Campos 202 Proclamation of the Nationalist Party on the occasion of September 23 - Pilgrimage to Lares 204 The acts celebrated by the Nationalist Party in the city of Lares on September 23 of this year. Albizu Campos speaks . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 The Nationalist Party proclaims nine days of mourning on the occasion of the death of don Pedro Angleró, survivor of the Grito de Lares . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 “The United States has a duty to fulfill with us and that is to withdraw from our country. It is the only way to show respect for the law of nations”: Albizu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 The Radio Corporation of Porto Rico, Subsidiary of the International Telegraph and Telephone Co., refuses to transmit political speeches. Censorship on the propaganda of Nationalism. Declarations of the president of the Party D. Pedro Albizu Campos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .